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FROM 


SLAVE  CABIN 


THE  PULPIT 


TUB  AUTOBIOGRAPHY  OP 


REV.  PETER  RANDOLPH 


THE   SOUTHERN   QUESTION  ILLUSTRATED 


.  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE 


G 


BOSTON 

JAMES   K.   EARLE,  Publisher 

I78  WA  SHIN GTO N  STREET 

V  .  -  '        !  '    ■  1893  g||  ,  .  .  .  I 


/ 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT 


PREFACE. 


IN  giving  the  following  sketches  of  my  life  to  the 
public,  I  sincerely  hope  that  literary  defects, 
and  errors  of  style,  will  be  kindly  overlooked. 
Though  I  have  endeavored  to  improve  myself,  yet 
I  cannot  boast  of  an  education,  as  my  readers  will 
doubtless  see.  These  sketches  of  my  life,  since 
Emancipation,  given  in  a  simple  style,  illustrate,  I 
think,  some  phases  of  the  "  Southern  Question ". 
They  consist  mainly  of  my  own  experience  and 
observation  in  the  South  and  North,  as  a  slave  and  " 
freeman. 

With  these  biographical  sketches,  I  have  added 
for  preservation,  a  pamphlet  of  sketches  issued  by' 
me  in  1855,  on  the  "Peculiar  Institution",  with  an 
"  introduction  by  Samuel  May,  Jr.    This  little  work,  »; 
which  will  be  seen  in  the  back  part  of  the  book,  I 


PREFACE. 


desire  to  keep  in  print,  for  it  has  in  it  what  I  know 
to  be  truthful  information  on  the  subject  of  Slavery. 

Slavery,  we  say,  is  dead;  but  the  rising  genera- 
tions will  ask:  What  was  it? 

To  the  children  and  descendants  of  that  noble 
band  of  Anti-Slavery  followers,  and  to  the  friends  of 
humanity,  I  present  these  my  experiences,  in  the 
name  of  God  and  Truth. 

Peter  Randolph. 

Boston,  1893. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER. 

PAGE. 

T 
1. 

HiAKLii    i_/irHi  •••••• 

9 

TT 

J.  J.. 

x  t\tLL.L>yjAi  ...... 

1  o 

III. 

In  Boston  

28 

TAT 
IV. 

My  Friends  ...... 

34 

V. 

Church  Work  ... 

4i 

VT 

Tm  a  Vtphtxtta  T^ttt  ptt 

5° 

VII. 

Religious  Condition  .... 

# 

VIII. 

Religion  at  the  Close  of  the  War 

94 

IX. 

A  Distinction  

IOI 

X. 

Special  Traits  

106 

XI. 

In  Many  Fields     .       .  . 

117 

XII. 

The  Law  

126 

XIII. 

Retrospect   

XIV. 

Some  of  My  Friends  .... 

141 

SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 

Introductory  Note  .... 

*47 

I. 

The  System   . 

*53 

II. 

I 

Slaves  on  the  Plantation  . 

157 

CONTENTS. 


III.  Farms  Adjoining  Edloe's  Plantation  164 

IV.  Overseers   175 

V.  Customs  of  the  Slaves  when  one  of 

their  Number  Dies   .       .       .  180 

VI.  Slaves  on  the  Auction  Block    .       .  184 

VII.  City  and  Town  Slaves        .       .       .  191 

VIII.  Religious  Instruction         .       .       .  196 

IX.  Severing  of  Family  Ties     .       .       .  205 

X.    Colored  Drivers   212 

XI.  Mental  Capacity  of  the  Slave         .  215 

XII.  The  Blood  of  the  Slave    .       .       .  218 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT, 


CHAPTER  I. 


EARLY  LIFE. 


WAS  born  a  slave,  and  owned,  with  eighty7 
one  others,  by  a  man  named  Edloe,  and 
r  among  them  all,  only  myself  learned  to 

either  read  or  write.  When  I  was  a  child,  my 
mother  used  to  tell  me  to  look  to  Jesus,  and  that  He 
who  protected  the  widow  and  fatherless  would  take 
care  of  me  also.  At  that  time,  my  ideas  of  Jesus 
were  the  same  as  those  of  the  other  slaves.  I 
thought  he  would  talk  with  me,  if  I  wished  it,  and 
give  me  what  I  asked  for.  Being  very  sickly,  my 
greatest  wish  was  to  live  with  Christ  in  heaven,  and 
so  I  used  to  go  into  -the  woods  and  lie  upon  my 
back,  and  pray  that  he  would  come  and  take  me  to 
himself  —  really  expecting  to  see  Him  with  my  bod- 
ily eyes.  I  was  then  between  ten  and  eleven  years 
old,  and  I  continued  to  look  for  Him  until  I  began 


i 


10 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


to  feel  very  sorry  that  He  would  not  come  and  talk 
with  me ;  and  then  I  felt  that  I  was  the  worst  lit- 
tle boy  that  ever  lived,  and  that  was  the  reason 
Jesus  would  not  talk  to  me.  I  felt  so  about  it  I 
wanted  to  die,  and  thought  it  would  be  just  in  God 
to  kill  me,  and  I  prayed  that  he  would  kill  me,  for 
I  did  not  want  to  live  to  sin  against  him  any  more. 
I  felt  so  for  many  days  and  nights. 

At  last,  I  gave  myself  up  to  the  Lord,  to  do  what 
he  would  with  me,  for  I  was  a  great  sinner.  I 
began  to  see  the  offended  justice  of  God.  O,  my 
readers,  the  anguish  of  my  heart !  I  thought  the 
whole  world  was  on  me,  and  I  must  die  and  be  lost. 
In  the  midst  of  my  troubles,  I  felt  that  if  God  would 
have  mercy  on  me,  I  should  never  sin  again. 
When  I  had  come  to  this,  I  felt  my  guilt  give  way, 
and  thought  that  I  was  a  new  being.  Now,  instead 
of  looking  with  my  real  eyes  to  see  my  Saviour,  I  felt 
him  in  me,  and  I  was  happy.  The  eyes  of  my  mind 
were  open,  and  I  saw  things  as  I  never  did  before. 
With  my  mind's  eye,  I  could  see  my  Redeemer 
hanging  upon  the  cross  for  me. 

I  wanted  ail  the  other  slaves  to  see  him  thus,  and 
feel  as  happy  as  I  did.  I  used  to  talk  to  others,  and 
tell  them  of  the  friend  they  would  have  in  Jesus, 
and  show  them  by  my  experience  how  I  was 
brought  to  Christ,  and  felt  his  love  within  my  heart, 
—  and  love  it  was,  in  God's  adapting  himself  to  my 
capacity. 

After  receiving  this  revelation  from  the  Lord,  I 


EARLY  LIFE. 


11 


became  impressed  that  I  was  called  of  God  to  preach 
to  the  other  slaves.  I  labored  under  this  impression 
for  seven  years,  but  then  I  could  not  read  the  Bible, 
and  I  thought  I  could  never  preach  unless  I  learned 
to  read  the  Bible,  but  I  had  no  one  to  teach  me  how 
to  read.  A  friend  showed  me  the  letters,  and  how  to 
spell  words  of  three  letters.  1  hen  I  continued,  until 
I  got  so  as  to  read  the  Bible  —  the  great  book  of 
God  —  the  source  of  all  knowledge. '  It  was  my 
great  desire  to  read  easily  this  book.  I  thought  it 
was  written  by  the  Almighty  himself.  I  loved  this 
book,  and  prayed  over  it,  and  labored  until  I  could 
read  it.  I  used  to  go  to  the  church  to  hear  the  white 
preacher.  When  I  heard  him  read  his  text,  I  would 
read  mine  when  I  got  home.  This  is  the  way,  my 
readers,  I  learned  to  read  the  word  of  God  when  I 
was  a  slave.  Thus  did  I  labor  eleven  years  under 
the  impression  that  I  was  called  to  preach  the  gospel 
of  Jesus  Christ,  the  ever-blessed  God. 

Then  I  learned  to  write.  Here  I  had  no  teach- 
ing ;  but  I  obtained  a  book  with  the  writing  alpha- 
bet in  it,  and  copied  the  letters  until  I  could 
write.  I  had  no  slate,  so  I  used  to  write  on  the 
ground.  All  by  myself  I  learned  the  art  of  writing. 
Then  I  used  to  do  my  own  letter-writing,  and  write 
my  own  passes.  When  the  slave  wants  to  go  from 
one  plantation  to  another,  he  must  have  a  pass  from 
the  overseer.  I  could  do  my  own  writing,  unbe- 
known to  the  overseer,  and  carry  my  own  pass. 

My  oldest  brother's  name  was  Benjamin.    He  was 


12 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


owned  by  C.  H.  Edloe,  the  same  person  who  owned 
me.  Benjamin  was  a  very  bright  young  man,  and 
very  active  about  his  work.  He  was  fond  of  laugh- 
ing and  frolicking  with  the  young  women  on  the 
plantation.  This,  Lacy  the  overseer,  did  not  like, 
and  therefore  was  always  watching  Benjamin,  seek- 
ing an  occasion  to  have  him  whipped.  At  one  time,  a 
pig  had  been  found  dead.  The  little  pig  could  not 
tell  why  he  was  dead,  and  no  one  confessed  a  knowl- 
edge of  his  death ;  consequently,  Lacy  thought  so 
great  a  calamity,  so  important  a  death,  should  be 
revenged.  He  advised  Edloe  to  have  every  slave 
whipped.  Edloe  consented,  expecting,  probably,  to 
prevent  by  such  cruelty,  any  other  pig  from  dying 
a  natural  death. 

Lacy,  the  tender-hearted  overseer,  with  a  heart 
overflowing  with  sorrow  at  the  great  loss  and  sad 
bereavement  of  Edloe's  plantation,  took  his  rawhide, 
with  a  wire  attached  to  the  end  of  it,  and  gave  each 
man  twenty  lashes  on  the  bare  back.  O,  monster ! 
the  blood  was  seen  upon  the  side  of  the  barn  where 
these  slaves  were  whipped  for  days  and  months. 
The  wounds  of  these  poor  creatures  prevented  them 
from  performing  their  daily  tasks.  They  were, 
indeed,  so  cut  up,  that  pieces  came  out  of  the  backs 
of  some  of  them,  so  that  a  child  twelve  or  thirteen 
years  old  could  lay  his  fist  in  the  cruel  place.  My 
brother  Benjamin  was  one  of  the  slaves  so  savagely 
beaten. 

One  morning,  Lacy  —  perhaps  thinking  piggy's 


EARLY  LIFE. 


13 


death  not  wholly  avenged  —  proposed  again  to  whip 
my  brother;  but  Benjamin  did  not  agree  with  him 
as  to  the  necessity  of  such  proceedings,  and  deter- 
mined not  to  submit ;  therefore,  he  turned  his  back 
upon  Lacy,  and  his  face  to  the  woods,  making  all 
possible  speed  toward  the  latter.  Lacy  fired  upon 
him,  but  only  sent  a  few  shot  into  his  flesh,  which 
did  not  in  the  least  frighten  Benjamin ;  it  only 
served  to  make  him  run  as  fast  as  if  he  himself 
had  been  shot  from  the  overseer's  gun.  For  Severn 
months,  he  lived  in  the  swamps  of  Virginia,  while: 
every  effort  was  made  to  catch  him,  but  without 
success.  He  once  ventured  on  board  a  vessel  on 
the  James  River.  There  he  was  caught,  but  soon 
made  his  escape  again  to  the  swamp,  where  my 
mother  and  myself  used  to  carry  him  such  food  as 
we  could  procure  to  keep  him  alive.  My  poor 
broken-hearted  mother  was  always  weeping  and 
praying  about  Benjamin,  for  the  overseer  had  threat- 
ened that  if  he  ever  saw  him,  he  would  shoot  him, 
as  quick  as  he  would  a  wild  deer.  All  the  other 
overseers  had  made  the  same  threats. 

Edloe,  not  thinking  it  best  to  take  Benjamin  on 
to  his  plantation  (provided  he  could  catch  him), 
sold  him  to  another  man,  who,  after  he  had  suc- 
ceeded in  his  sham  plan  of  buying  my  poor  brother, 
sent  for  him  to  come  out  of  the  swamp  and  go  with 
him.  Benjamin  went  home  to  his  new  master,  and 
went  faithfully  to  work  for  him  —  smart  young  man 
that  he  was !  \ 


14 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


Sometimes  Benjamin  would  steal  over  at  night  to 
see  mother  (a  distance  of  ten  miles).  He  could  not 
come  in  the  day-time,  because  Lacy  still  declared  he 
would  kill  him  the  first  time  he  saw  him.  He  did 
see  him  one  Sabbath,  but  having  no  gun  or  pistol 
with  him,  my  brother  again  escaped  him,  thanks  to 
the  mercies  of  God.  Benjamin  continued  to  serve 
v  his  new  master,  until  he  was  suddenly  bound  and 
<  carried  to  Petersburg,  Virginia,  and  sold  to  a  negro- 
trader,  who  put  him  in  a  slave-pen,  until  a  large 
number  of  slaves  were  bought  up  by  him,  to  be  car- 
ried into  bondage  further  South,  there  to  lead  miser- 
able lives  on  the  cotton  and  sugar  plantations.  Ben- 
vf  jamin,  my  dear  brother,  left  Petersburg,  and  I  have 
not  seen  him  since. 

Thanks  be  unto  God,  prayer  can  ascend,  and  will 
be  listened  to  by  Him  who  answereth  prayer !  To 
him  who  crieth  unto  Him  day  and  night,  He  will  lis- 
ten, and  send  His  angel  of  peace  to  quiet  his  troubled 
heart,  with  the  assurance  that  the  down-trodden  shall 
be  lifted  up,  the  oppressed  shall  be  delivered  from 
his  oppressor,  all  captives  set  free,  and  all  oppressors 
destroyed,  as  in  ancient  times.  I  know  that  God 
heard  the  prayers  of  my  praying  mother,  because  she 
was  a  Christain,  and  a  widow,  such  as  feared  God 
and  loved  his  commandments.  She  used  often  to 
sing  the  following  hymn  — 

"  Our  days  began  with  trouble  here, 
Our  lives  are  but  a  span. 


EARLY  LIFE. 


15 


While  cruel  death  is  always  near  — 
What  a  feeble  thing  is  man  I 

Then  sow  the  seed  of  grace  while  young, 

That  when  you  come  to  die, 
You  may  sing  the  triumphant  song, 

Death  !  where's  thy  victory  ?  " 

With  the  above  lines  has  my  mother  often 
soothed,  for  a  time,  her  own  sorrows,  when  she 
thought  of  her  poor  son,  so  far  away  from  her,  she 
knew  not  where,  neither  could  she  know  of  his  suf- 
ferings ;  and  again,  she  would  become  a  prey  to 
bitter  grief.  Her  only  hope  was  to  meet  her  son  in 
heaven,  where  slaveholders  could  not  come  with 
their  purchase-money,  where  Lacy  could  not  come 
with  his  dogs,  his  guns,  or  his  pistols,  with  powder 
or  balls ;  neither  would  she  have  to  steal  away  to 
see  him,  with  a  little  food  well  concealed.  Neither 
will  Benjamin  be  obliged  to  crouch  in  the  forest, 
hearing  the  midnight  cry  of  wild  beasts  around  him, 
while  he  seeks  repose  upon  the  cold,  bare  ground. 
No,  she  will  meet  him  at  the  right  hand  of  the 
Redeemer,  who  will  wipe  the  briny  tears  from  the 
eyes  of  the  poor  slave,  and  feed  him  with  the  hidden 
treasures  of  His  love. 

MY  PARENTS. 

My  father  did  not  belong  to  Edloe,  but  was  owned 
by  a  Mr.  George  Harrison,  whose  plantation 
adjoined  that  of  my  master.    Harrison  made  my 


16 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


er  a  slave-driver,  placing  an  overseer  over  him. 
He  was  allowed  to  visit  my  mother  every  Wednes- 
day and  every  Saturday  night.  This  was  the  time 
usually  given  to  the  slaves  to  see  their  wives.  My 
father  would  often  tell  my  mother  how  the  white 
overseer  had  made  him  cruelly  whip  his  fellows, 
until  the  blood  ran  down  to  the  ground.  All  his 
days  he  had  to  follow  this  dreadful  employment  of 
flogging  men,  women  and  children,  being  placed 
in  this  helpless  condition  by  the  tyranny  of  his  mas- 
ter. I  used  to  think  very  hard  of  my  father,  and 
that  he  was  a  very  cruel  man  ;  but  when  I  knew 
that  he  could  not  help  himself,  I  could  not  but  alter 
my  views  and  feelings  in  regard  to  his  conduct.  I 
was  ten  years  old  when  he  died. 

When  my  father  died,  he  left  my  mother  with  five 
children.  We  were  all  young  at  the  time,  and 
mother  had  no  one  to  help  take  care  of  us.  Her  lot 
was  very  hard  indeed.  She  had  to  work  all  the  day 
for  her  owner,  and  at  night  for  those  who  were 
dearer  to  her  than  life ;  for  what  was  allowed  her  by 
Edloe  was  not  sufficient  for  our  wants.  She  used 
to  get  a  little  corn,  without  his  knowledge,  and  boil 
it  for  us  to  satisfy  our  hunger.  As  for  clothing, 
j  Edloe  would  give  us  a  coarse  suit  once  in  three 
\  years ;  mother  sometimes  would  beg  the  cast-off 
garments  from  the  neighbors,  to"  cover  our  naked- 
ness ;  and  when  they  had  none  to  give,  she  would 
sit  and  cry  over  us,  and  pray  to  the  God  of  the 
widow  and  fatherless  for  help  and  succor.    At  last, 


EARLY  LIFE. 


17 


my  oldest  brother  was  sold  from  her,  and  carried 
where  she  never  saw  him  again.  She  went  mourn- 
ing for  him  all  her  days,  like  a  bird  robbed  of  her 
young  —  like  Rachel  bereft  of  her  children,  who 
would  not  be  comforted,  because  they  were  not. 
She  departed  this  life  on  the  27th  of  September, 
1847,  for  that  world  "where  the  wicked  cease  from 
troubling,  and  the  weary  are  at  rest." 


18  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


CHAPTER  II. 

FREEDOM. 

Y  Master !  Carter  H.  Edloe  made  his  will 
six  years  before  his  decease.  He  said  to 
some  of  his  slaves,  just  before  his  death, 
that  he  had  another  will,  which  he  had  given  into 
the  hands  of  a  lawyer  in  Petersburg,  Va.,  to  keep 
for  him,  but  this  will  was  never  heard  from.  The 
slaves  knew  about  it,  but  their  voice  or  testimony 
was  nothing;  therefore,  nothing  could  be  done 
about  it. 

I  present  that  will  here,  together  with  the  decree 
of  the  Court  respecting  it,  in  order  that  my  readers 
may  judge  for  themselves  as  to  the  intention  of  our 
master,  and  be  convinced  that  what  I  have  to  say  in 
reference  to  the  manner  in  which  the  will  was  exe- 
cuted is  perfectly  just,  and  warranted  by  the  facts. 

IN  THE  NAME  OF  GOD,  AMEN  !— I,  CAR- 
TER H.  EDLOE,  of  the  County  of  Prince  George, 
being  of  sound  mind  and  disposing  memory,  but 
considering  the  uncertainty  of  life,  do  make  and 
ordain  this  to  be  my  last  Will  and  Testament : 


FREEDOM. 


19 


ist.  I  desire  that  all  debts  that  I  may  owe  at 
the  time  of  my  decease,  shall  be  paid  out  of  the  money 
on  hand  or  the  profits  of  my  estate. 

2nd.  I  desire  that  my  estate  shall  be  kept  together 
and  cultivated  to  the  best  advantage,  until  a  sufficient 
sum  can  be  raised  to  pay  my  debts,  should  there  be 
any  deficiency  in  the  amount  of  money  on  hand  and 
debts  due  to  me,  and  to  raise  a  sufficient  sum  to 
pay  for  the  transportation  of  my  Slaves  to  any  Free 
State  or  Colony  which  they  may  prefer,  and  give  to 
each  Slave  Fifty  Dollars  on  their  departure,  either 
in  money  or  other  articles  which  may  suit  them  bet- 
ter; but  should  any  of  my  slaves  prefer  going  imme- 
diately, they  can  do  so,  but  they  are  not  to  be  fur- 
nished with  money.  It  is  not  my  wish  to  force 
them  away  without  their  consent.  In  the  event  of 
any  of  them  preferring  to  remain  in  slavery,  they 
must  take  the  disposition  hereinafter  directed. 

3d.  After  the  provisions  in  the  preceding  clauses 
of  my  Will  have  been  complied  with,  I  loan  to  my 
niece,  Elizabeth  C.  Orgain,  my  plantation  in  Prince 
George,  called  Mt.  Pleasant,  during  her  life,  but  in 
the  event  of  her  marrying  and  having  children,  I  then 
give  to  her  children,  at  her  death,  the  said  land,  to 
them  and  their  heirs  forever. 

4th.  I  loan  . to  my  niece,  Mary  Orgain,  my  Planta- 
tion in  Prince  George,  called  Brandon  and  Dan- 
dridge's,  during  her  life ;  but  should  she  marry  and 
have  children,  I  then  give  to  her  children,  at  her 
death,  the  said  lands,  to  them  and  their  heirs  forever. 

5th.  The  rest  and  residue  of  my  estate,  of  what- 
ever kind  soever,  I  desire  may  be  divided  into  two 
equal  parts,  and  one  part  to  go  to  each  of  my  nieces, 
Elizabeth  and  Mary ;  and  should  any  of  my  slaves 
prefer  remaining  in  slavery,  I  desire  they  may  be 


20 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


divided  into  two  equal  parts,  and  one  part  go  to  each 
of  my  nieces,  during  their  lives,  and  then  to  their 
children,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  landed  property 
is  given,  except  my  Household  Furniture,  Wines 
and  Liquors,  all  of  which  I  give  to  Mary  Orgain 
during  her  life,  and  then  to  her  children.  Those 
negroes  under  age  at  my  death  may  have  until  they 
are  twenty-one  years  of  age  to  decide  whether  they 
will  go  or  remain  ;  but  in  the  event  of  but  one  of  my 
nieces  having  children,  I  desire  that  those  children 
have  the  whole  of  my  property  at  the  death  of  their 
aunt.  : 

6th.  I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  female  slave, 
Harriet  Barber,  and  her  children  (all  of  whom  I 
bought  of  R.  G.  Orgain,  Esq.),  Eight  Thousand 
Dollars,  which  sum  I  desire  my  Executors  to  take 
from  my  estate,  and  either  lay  it  out  in  good  stock, 
or  put  the  money  out  at  interest,  always  taking 
undoubted  security  —  the  stock  I  should  prefer  —  the 
interest  of  which  shall  be  paid  to  said  Harriet  yearly. 
Should  there  not  be  a  sum  sufficient  to  pay  this  leg- 
acy, either  in  stock  or  money,  I  direct  my  Executors 
to  sell  my  land  in  Southampton.  Should  that  not 
make  up  the  deficiency,  other  land  must  be  sold, 
or  horses  and  cattle,  as  my  Executors  may  think 
best. 

7th.  It  is  my  wish  that  the  said  Harriet  and 
children  should  remain  on  my  estate,  or  in  any  situ- 
ation which  they  may  prefer  that  the  law  will  allow ; 
and  I  direct  my  Executors  to  furnish  Harriet  and 
her  children  with  their  Free  Papers,  whenever  they 
may  desire  to  have  them,  and  assist  them  to  remove 
to  any  place  they  may  choose  to  locate  themselves. 

I  do  hereby  appoint  David  D.  Brydon,  of  the 
Town   of   Petersburg,  and   John    A.    Seldon,  of 


FREEDOM. 


21 


Charles  City  County,  my  Executors,  requiring  them 
to  give  no  security  for  the  performance  of  their  duty. 
I  do  hereby  revoke  all  former  Wills,  this  being  my 
last  Will.  In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereunto 
subscribed  my  name,  this  20th  day  of  March,  One 
Thousand  Eight  Hundred  and  Thirty-Eight. 

CARTER  H.  EDLOE. 

At  a  Court  of  Quarterly  Sessions,  held  for  Prince 
George  County,  at  the  Court  House  thereof,  on 
Tuesday,  the  13th  day  of  August,  1844: 

This  last  Will  and  Testament  of  Carter  H.  Edloe, 
dec'd,  was  presented  into  Court,  and  there  being 
no  subscribing  witnesses  thereto,  William  C.  Raw- 
lings,  P.  C.  Osborne,  and  David  Tennant,  appeared 
in  Court  and  made  oath  that  they  are  well 
acquainted  with  the  hand-writing  of  the  Testator, 
and  they  verily  believe  the  said  Will  to  be  wholly 
written  by  the  Testator :  And  thereupon  said  Will  is 
ordered  to  be  recorded.  On  the  motion  of  John  A. 
Seldon,  an  Executor  therein  named,  who  made  oath 
thereto,  and  entered  into  and  acknowledged  a  bond  in 
the  penalty  of  One  Hundred  and  Twenty  Thousand 
Dollars  (the  Testator  desiring  that  no  security 
should  be  given  upon  his  qualification),  conditioned 
as  the  law  directs,  certificate  is  granted  the  said 
John  A.  Seldon  for  obtaining  a  probate  of  the  said 
Will  in  due  form. 

Teste,  RO.  GILLIAM,  Clerk. 

VIRGINIA  — Prince  George  County,  to  wit: 

I,  ROBERT  GILLIAM,  Clerk  of  the  Court  of 
said  county,  in  the  State  of  Virginia,  do  hereby  cer- 
tify the  foregoing  to  be  a  true  copy  of  the  last  Will 
and  Testament  of  Carter  H.  Edloe,  deceased. 

In  testimony  whereof,  I  have  hereto  set 


22 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


r        ,     my  hand  and  affixed  the  seal  of  the  said 

I  SEAL  1 

L       ,J     Court,   this   thirty-first   day   of  August, 
1847,  and  in  the  seventy-second  year  of  the 
Commonwealth.  RO.  GILLIAM,  Clerk. 


DECREE  OF  THE  COURT. 

VIRGINIA: 

At  a  Circuit  Superior  Court  of  Law  and  Chancery, 
held  for  the  town  of  Petersburg,  at  the  court  house 
thereof,  on  Monday,  the  24th  day  of  May,  A.  D. 
1847: 

John  A.  Seldon,  Executor  of  C.  H."j 
Edloe,  deceased,  Plaintiff,  j 

^<~>  ^  ^  ^  •       I11  C/iancerv 

Mary  Orgain  and  Elizabeth  Orga.n,  r 

infants,  by  H.  B.  Gaines,  their 

Guardian  ad  litem,  &c,  Defts., 
This  cause  came  on  this  day  to  be  further  heard 
on  the  papers  formerly  read,  on  the  reports  of 
Commissioner  Bernard,  and  of  the  special  Commis- 
sioners appointed  to  consult  the  slaves  of  C.  H. 
Edloe,  deceased,  and  was  argued  by  counsel :  On 
consideration  whereof,  the  court  being  of  opinion  that 
the  slave  Harriet  and  her  children  are  entitled  to  no 
part  of  the  profits  of  the  plantation,  and  that  the 
several  sums  charged  in  the  account  of  profits  as 
expended  for  them  ought  not  to  have  been  so 
charged ;  and  adopting  the  correction  of  the  report 
in  that  particular,  contained  in  the  note  of  the 
Commissioner,  p.  1.,  doth  order  that  the  report  of 
Commissioner  Bernard,  with  that  correction,  and 
the  report  of  the  special  Commissioners,  be  con- 
firmed :  And  the  court  doth  further  adjudge,  order 
and  decree,  that  the  Plaintiff  do,  on  or  before  the 
fifteenth  day  of  October,  one  thousand  eight  hundred 


FREEDOM. 


23 


and  forty-seven,  as  may  seem  to  him  best,  discharge 
from  servitude  all  the  slaves  of  his  Testator ;  that  he 
deliver  to  said  slaves,  individually  or  in  families,  as  he 
may  think  best,  duly  authenticated  copies  of  this 
decree,  endorsing  on  each  copy  the  name  or  names 
of  the  person  or  persons  to  whom  it  is  given  ;  that 
the  Executor,  out  of  the  money  now  in  his  hands 
and  interest  thereon  from  the  thirteenth  day  of  March, 
one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  forty-seven,  together 
with  the  nett  proceeds  of  the  growing  crop  or  such 
thereof  as  may  be  secured,  pay  to  the  slaves,  Robert, 
Old  Ben  and  Caty  (who  elect  to  remain  in  service 
until  the  full  amount  of  the  provision  intended  for 
them  shall  be  raised),  each  the  sum  of  Fifty  Dollars, 
"on  their  departure";  that  he  pay  to  each  of  the 
slaves  of  the  Testator  who  has  remained  on  the 
plantation,  and  shall  so  remain  until  the  slaves  shall 
be  liberated  as  herein  directed,  a  sum  sufficient  to 
pay  for  his  or  her  transportation  to  such  free  State 
or  colony  as  they  may  respectively  prefer,  or  provide 
and  pay  for  their  transportation  to  such  free  State 
or  colony  in  such  other  manner  as  may  to  him  seem 
best:  And  the  court  doth  order  that  the  said 
Executor  do  immediately,  on  discharging  the  said 
slaves  from  servitude,  cause  them  to  be  removed  to 
the  free  State  or  colony  which  they  may  respectively 
select  as  their  future  homes;  the  court  being  of 
opinion  that  it  was  not  the  intention  of  the  Testator 
thac  they  should  be  emancipated  and  allowed  to 
receive  the  bounty  provided  for  them,  unless  they 
were  removed  by  the  Executor  beyond  the  limits  of 
Virginia;  and  in  case  the  fund  be  not  sufficient  to 
defray  the  whole  amount  of  such  expenses  of  trans- 
portation, the  same  shall  be  divided  among  the 
slaves,  rateably,  taking  into  consideration  their  ages, 


24 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


place  selected,  &c,  and  that  he  distribute  the  resi- 
due, if  any  there  be,  equally  among  all  the  said 
slaves,  without  regard  to  age,  and  that  he  deliver  the 
slaves  Sylvia  and  Jenny,  who  elect  to  remain  slaves, 
to  the  defendants,  to  whom  they  are  bequeathed  by 
the  Will  of  the  Testator. 

And  it  is  further  ordered,  that  the  Plaintiff 
settle  before  a  Commissioner  a  further  account  of 
his  transactions  as  Executor,  which  account  the 
Commissioner  is  directed  to  report  to  the  court, 
with  any  matter  specially  stated  deemed  pertinent 
by  himself,  or  which  any  of  the  parties  may  require 
to  be  so  stated. 

A  copy  — Teste,       R.  McMANN,  S.  C. 

August  6th,  1847. 

When  Edloe  died,  he  gave  this  will,  which  was 
the  one  finally  acted  upon,  into  the  hands  of  one  of 
his  slaves,  not  feeling  willing  to  trust  any  oneelse. 

The  Executor  of  the  estate  was  John  A.  Seldon, 
of  Charles  City  County.  The  will  stated,  as  will  be 
seen,  that  if  there  should  be  any  deficiency  of 
money  on  hand,  sufficient  must  be  raised  to  pay  his 
debts,  and  transport  his  slaves  to  a  place  of  freedom, 
and  pay  each  of  them  fifty  dollars.  Edloe  was  gone, 
and  could  not  act  for  us  in  person,  so  this  deed  of 
justice  was  not  carried  out.  Mr.  Seldon  interpreted 
;the  will  thus  :  We  were  to  stay  on  the  plantation 
and  work  there  till  we  had  earned  this  money  our- 
selves, and  then  we  were  to  be  free.  Meantime,  he 
took  from  us  what  the  overseer  had  hitherto  given 
us,  and  took  our  earnings,  too. 


FREEDOM. 


For  six  months,  all  knowledge  of  this  will  was 
kept  from  us.  I  was  the  only  one  among  the  slaves 
who  could  read  and  write.  This  I  had  kept  secret, 
for  fear  of  the  consequences.  A  friend,  who 
seemed  very  much  interested  in  our  affairs,  showed 
me  a  copy  of  this  will,  upon  promise  of  secrecy.  So 
I  read  it,  and  remembered  it  all ;  then  he  told  me  of 
a  lawyer  who  would  be  a  good  one  for  us.  I  com- 
municated this  good  news  to  two  of  the  older  and 
more  experienced  men  of  our  party,  and  repeated  to 
them  the  substance  of  the  will.  They  went  to  see 
the  lawyer,  and  he  agreed  to  take  the  case  in  hand. 
This  friend  knew  how  we  were  treated,  and  told 
us  it  was  very  unjust  and  wrong.  This  lawyer's 
name  was  James  L.  Scarborough,  of  Prince  George 
County,  Va. 

He  first  went  to  the  bank  of  Petersburg,  where 
Edloe's  money  was  deposited,  and  found  out  that 
there  were  thirty-two  thousand  dollars  on  hand  ;  so 
he  was  going  at  once  to  get  our  free  papers  for  us ; 
but  soon  he  came  to  us  again,  and  said  the  executor 
of  the  estate  would  give  him  five  hundred  dollars  to 
stop  the  suit  —  but  he  would  not  stop  it.  But  this 
did  not  last  long.  We  soon  found  that  Seldon  got 
all  our  money,  and  could  give  him  more  than  we 
could ;  so  he  began  to  put  us  off  from  one  court  to 
another,  telling  us  that  the  court  did  not  have  time 
to  attend  to  us,  but  the  next  would  certainly  settle 
the  matter.  We  gave  him  all  our  little  earnings, 
which  amounted  to  twenty-two  dollars,  but  he  got 


26  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 

no  papers.  So  he  kept  us  for  two  years  and  six 
months.  When  we  found  out  the  deception  he  had 
practiced  upon  us,  we  felt  very  wretched  indeed  — 
sure  that  we  had  no  friend  left,  and  should  never 
get  our  freedom,  but  were  cruelly  robbed  of  what 
was  our  own,  not  only  by  right,  but  as  an  especial 
gift. 

Seldon  used  to  come  and  see  us  when  the  crops 
were  to  be  sold,  get  the  money  for  us  (but  we  never 
saw  it),  then  go  away  again,  without  the  least  advan- " 
tage  to  us.  At  last,  we  took  courage,  and  got 
another  man  to  exert  himself  for  us.  He  was  not  a 
lawyer,  but  a  magistrate.  His  name  was  William  B. 
Harrison,  the  owner  of  middle  Brandon.  Though  a 
slaveholder  himself,  he  got  our  free  papers,  and  pro- 
cured us  a  passage  to  Boston,  after  we  had  remained 
three  years  and  thirty-five  days  in  unlawful  bondage, 
according  to  the  laws  of  Virginia,  to  say  nothing  of 
a  higher  law.  m 

Instead  of  the  fifty  dollars  we  were  each  to  receive 
on  our  landing,  we  had  fourteen  dollars  and  ninety- 
six  cents  apiece.  All  our  money  was  taken  from  us, 
because  we  were  black  people ;  but  glad  enough  were 
we  of  our  freedom. 

We  were  told  if  we  came  to  Boston,  we  should  be 
killed,  or  put  in  prison,  where  we  should  have  to 
work  under  ground  or  be  obliged  to  drag  carts  all 
round  the  streets ;  but  we  were  determined  to  try  it, 
live  or  die. 

We  came  in  1847,  and  have  not  been  eaten  up 


FREEDOM. 


27 


yet.  And  now  we  claim  the  fifty  dollars,  and 
interest,  since  1844.  It  was  given  to  us  by  the  man 
we  served  while  he  was  living,  and  no  law  or  justice 
can  keep  it  from  us,  except  by  downright  fraud. 
Here  are  old  people  of  the  party  unable  to  do  much 
for  themselves,  to  whom  this  would  be  a  great  bless- 
ing. Surely,  the  day  is  not  far  distant  when  those 
base  men  will  be  shown  up  to  the  world  for  what 
they  are  worth.  The  wrong  they  committed  will  not 
rest  upon  those  ignorant  slaves,  but  will  rebound 
back,  covering  their  white  faces,  but  black  hearts, 
with  infamy. 


28  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


CHAPTER  III. 


IN  BOSTON. 


CAME  to  Boston  on  the  15th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1847,.  m  company  with  sixty-six  men, 
women  and  children,  who  were  emanci- 


pated by  the  will  of  Carter  H.  Edloe,  the  owner  of 
a  large  farm  in  Prince  George  County,  Virginia, 
known  as  the  Brandon  Plantation,  as  my  readers 
will  see  from  the  copy  of  the  will. 

In  order  to  gain  the  freedom  given  us  by  the  pro- 
vision of  the  will,  it  was  necessary  that  we  should 
leave  the  South,  and  seek  a  new  home  in  the  North. 
Consequently,  on  the  5  th  of  September,  we  left  our 
homes,  embarked  on  the  ship  known  as  the  Thomas 
H.  Thompson,"  in  charge  of  Captain  Wickson,  and 
arrived  at  Boston,  as  stated  above.  -  * 

It  was  soon  noised  abroad  through  the  city,  that  a 
cargo  of  emancipated  slaves  had  landed  at  Long 
Wharf.  A  large  number  of  citizens  came  to  the 
wharf  to  see  the  strangers,  and  to  congratulate  them 
on  their  new  birth  to  freedom.  Prominent  among 
these    were,    William    Loyd    Garrison,   John  A. 


IN  BOSTON. 


29 


Andrew,  Wendell  Phillips,  and  Samuel  May. 
These  noble  and  patriotic  men,  who  lived  in  the  try- 
ing times  of  the  country's  history,  have  all  passed 
away  from  the  active  scenes  of  life,  and  there  are 
but  few  left,  who  lived  in  their  times,  to  tell  the 
story  of  their  deeds. 

Need  I  say,  we  were  made  welcome  to  our  new 
home,  when  we  met  such  distinguished  visitors. 
The  kindness  and  charity  shown  were  more  than  we 
expected.  Permit  me  to  say  here,  that  John  A. 
Andrew,  who  was  afterward  elected  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  was  one  of  my  warmest  personal 
friends,  and  remained  so  until  his  death.  As  I 
became  acquainted  with  him  he  seemed  to  take  great 
delight  in  talking  with  me  relative  to  my  former  con- 
dition, and  that  of  my  companions.  He  was  anxious 
to  hear  the  story  of  my  religious  conversion,  and  how 
I  learned  to  read  and  write.  He  became  so  familiar 
with  my  spiritual  convictions,  and  views  of  faith, 
that  in  his  last  lecture  delivered  in  Music  Hall,  Bos- 
ton, while  alluding  to  the  subject  of  faith,  he  made 
the  remark  that  my  definition  of  faith  was  one  of  the 
best  he  had  ever  heard. 

Many  friends  who  heard  the  lecture,  afterward 
spoke  to  me  concerning  my  definition  of  faith  as  I 
had  related  it  to  Governor  Andrew.  I  speak  of  this, 
simply  to  show  the  noble  spirit  of  the  man  toward 
the  unfortunate.  I,  born  *an  ignorant  slave,  he,  an 
educated  lawyer,  yet  he  did  not  disdain  to  talk  with 
me  on  the  great  subject  of  religion. 


30 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


After  we  had  been  visited  by  the  distinguished 
friends  that  I  have  mentioned,  we  left  the  vessel  and- 
the  wharf,  and  found  ourselves  promenading  up  the 
free  streets  of  Boston. 

You  may  imagine  our  curiosity  and  elation  as  we 
were  introduced  and  looked  upon  the  new  scenes 
that  were  about  us.  Truly  we  were  in  a  new  world. 
Think  of  three  score  and  more  souls,  blind  as 
bats  —  so  far  as  the  letter  is  concerned;  for  I  was 
the  only  one  who  could  read  or  write  —  coming 
fresh,  and  directly  from  a  Southern  plantation, 
empty-handed  and  ignorant  of  their  environments, 
and  you  will  have  some  idea  of  myself  and  company 
as  we  made  our  advent  in  Boston. 

I  will  state  here,  if  I  have  not  elsewhere,  that  on 
leaving  Virginia,  the  lawyer,  William  Joins,  who  was 
interested  in  us,  gave  us  a  letter  of  introduction-  to 
William  Loyd  Garrison,  the  true  friend  of  the  poor 
slave.  On  leaving  the  vessel  some  of  us  went  to 
the  office  of  Mr.  Garrison,  which  at  that  time  was 
located  at  21  Cornhill,  Boston.  Here  we  met  other 
strong  anti-slavery  friends,  whose  glad  welcome  and 
warm  grasp  of  the  hand  —  I  imagine  I  can  feel  it 
now  —  convinced  us  beyond  a  doubt  that  we  were 
among  our  friends. 

Mr.  Garrison  and  Rev.  Samuel  May,  with  others 
of  the  Anti-slavery  Party,  were  active  in  securing 
situations  for  us.  About  half  of  our  number,  with- 
out much  loss  of  time,  found  places  out  of  the  city, 
and  the  remainder  in  and  about  the  city. 


IK  BOSTON.  31 

■  1 

Thus  distributed,  we  had  to  work  out  our  own 
destiny  with  all  the  disabilities  that  the  peculiar 
institution  had  entailed  upon  us.  Now,  we  had  to 
prove  to  the  world,  wrhether  or  not,  the  oft-repeated 
assertion  was  true,  "That  the  slave,  if  emancipated, 
could  not  take  care  of  himself." 

Of  course,  in  our  struggles,  many  of  us  felt 
sorely  the  need  of  an  education  in  the  midst  of  the 
new  surroundings.  Many  of  the  old  ones  passed 
away  from  earth  without  realizing  this  coveted  pos- 
session. Though  they  were  destitute  of  a  practical 
education,  yet  they  were  not  ignorant  of  a  personal 
knowledge  of  Christ. 

Permit  me  to  return  again  and  speak  more  defin- 
itely concerning  myself.  As  I  have  already  intima- 
ted, I  repeat,  by  saying,  that  the  little  education  I 
possessed  gave  me  some  advantages  that  were  out  of 
the  reach  of  my  companions.  Knowing  how  to  read 
and  write  was  of  no  little  value  to  me,  for  it  made 
me  more  in  demand,  and  assisted  me  in  discharging 
more  effectually  the  duties  I  had  to  perform  by 
those  who  employed  me. 

My  chief  difficulty  was  not  in  getting  much  work, 
but  in  getting  much  pay  —  I  had  much  work  but  little 
pay.  I  received  a  dollar  and  a  half  per  week  with 
board,  until  I  was  employed  at  the  fair  given  by  the 
members  of  the  Anti-Slavery  Society,  in  December, 
1847. 

At  this  fair  I  had  the  opportunity  of  meeting  a 
number  of   noble-hearted  men  and  women,  who 


32  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 

•s  — 

stood  ready  to  help  me  in  various  ways.  Also,  I 
listened  attentively  to  the  lectures  and  discussions 
given  under  the  auspices  of  this  society.  The  lan- 
guage and  words  used  by  some,  in  describing  and 
denouncing  the  slave  power,  were  strong  and  uncom- 
promising, yet  the  words  were  inadequate  and 
too  weak  to  express  the  barbarity  and  cruelty  to 
which  my  brethren  in  the  South  were  exposed. 

As  I  listened  and  conversed  with  these  earnest 
men,  I  was  impressed,  also,  with  the  idea  that  they 
were  not  familiar  with  all  the  relations  that  existed 
between  the  master  and  slave,  though  they  were 
well  posted  on  the  subject. 

Another  thing  impressed  me  relative  to  these 
debates,  and  that  was,  that  there  were  honest  men  in 
Boston  —  and  some  of  them  my  friends  —  who  were 
in  favor  of  slavery.  They  seemed  to  argue  from  a 
property  point  of  view ;  they  said  that  the  slaves 
were  the  property  of  the  owners,  and  that  the 
masters  as  a  matter  of  fact,  would  not  destroy 
that  which  they  regarded  as  their  legitimate 
property. 

At  a  glance  this  would  seem  to  be  a  plausible 
argument,  but  one  familiar  with  the  system  as  I  am 
could  not  take  that  view.  I  saw  at  once  what  was 
the  difficulty:  the  thing  needed  was  more  definite 
knowledge  in  regard  to  the  masters  and  their  slaves. 
This  I  felt  I  could  supply  from  my  experience  in 
the  South  as  a  slave.  Accordingly,  I  was  prevailed 
upon  to  write  and  publish  the  little  work,  entitled, 


IX  BO  ST  OX. 


"The  Sketch  of  a  Slave  life,  or,  an  illustration  of  the 
peculiar  institution." 

In  this  work  I  tried  to  set  forth  as  best  I  could, 
in  plain  and  simple  language,  the  true  relation  that 
existed  between  the  slave  and  his  owner.  Espe- 
cially did  I  emphasize  the  point  which  seemed  to 
trouble  many  of  my  pro-slavery  friends.    I  endeav-  \ 
ored  to  show  that  much  of  the  cruel  treatment 
inflicted  on  the  slaves  did  not  come  directly  from  ; 
the  masters,  but  from  the  slave-drivers  or  overseers,  J 
who  for  the  time  being  had  unlimited  control. 

No  one  will  doubt,  that  some  of  the  masters  were 
inclined  to  be  humane  and  have  compassion  on 
their  slaves,  if  not  f:om  the  promptings  of  human- 
ity, certainly  from  the  property  considerations.  But 
even  if  the  master  was  kind,  the  overseers,  whom 
the  law  protected,  and  from  whom  there  was  no 
appeal  on  the  part  of  the  slave,  could  maltreat 
and  abuse  with  impunity.  The  laws  that  governed 
and  controlled  the  inhuman  institution  were  wrong, 
and  were  the  result  of  a  depraved  human  nature. 
The  time  will  come  when  the  great  Judge  of  the 
earth  will  judge  between  the  oppressed  and  the 
oppressor. 


34 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


CHAPTER  IV. 


MY  FRIENDS. 


N  this  chapter  I  desire  to  mention  some  of 
the  business  men  and  firms  that  gave  me 
1  employment  during  my  earlier  struggles  in 
Boston.  And  it  goes  without  saying,  that  the  busi- 
ness community  to-day  in  Boston,  is  not  the  business 
community  of  forty-five  or  fifty  years  ago,  when  I 
came  to  the  city.  Many  of  the  names  I  shall 
mention  have  closed  their  final  accounts  on  this 
earth  and  have  gone  to  join  the  silent  majority. 

If  some  of  the  prominent  merchants  of  forty 
years  ago  could  be  permitted  to  return  again  to  the 
active  scenes  of  their  commercial  life,  and  behold 
the  mammoth  and  towering  business  blocks,  cars 
flying  through  the  streets  without  horses,  and  see 
their  old  aristocratic  homes  turned  into  dry-goods 
houses,  I  imagine  they  would  ask  some  stranger, 
"What  city  is  this." 

I  am  pleased  to  say,  there  are  still  living  children 
and  grandchildren  of  many  of  these  old  families,  who 
have  been  kind  and  thoughtful  to  me,  because  of  my 


MY  FRIENDS. 


35 


long  and  intimate  acquaintance  with  their  parents. 
I  feel  that  I  owe  them  a  debt  of  gratitude,  because 
in  the  midst  of  these  radical  changes,  they  have  not 
forgotten  their  fathers  or  the  principles  which  they 
espoused. 

I  do  not  think  it  improper  or  out  of  taste  for  me 
to  mention  some  of  these  my  early  and  life-long 
friends. 

There  was  the  well-known  firm  of  Joseph  Dix  & 
Brown,  the  junior  partner  of  which  was  Mr.  J.  C. 
Elms,  who  is  now  the  honored  president  of  the  Shoe 
and  Leather  Bank,  of  Boston.  I  would  also  mention 
the  firms  of  Isaac  Fenno,  Michal  Simpson,  of  the 
Sackvilie  Carpet  Co.,  William  Bond  &  Son,  Mr. 
T.  C.  Marian,  the  firm  of  Little  &  Brown,  the 
Boston  Transcript,  then  in  charge  of  Messrs.  Henry 
W.  Dutton  and  Daniel  Haskill,  the  well-known 
merchant,  Mr.  Henry  Callender,  Mr.  Morey,  and 
the  house  of  Merrett  &  Mullen,  Mr.  Tiler  Batch- 
eller,  of  the  firm  of  E.  T.  Batcheller  &  Co.,  shoe 
manufacturers,  Mr.  Chas.  Adams,  William  B. 
Spooner,  and  Ezekias  Chase. 

These  are  some  of  the  firms  and  business  men  I 
worked  for  years  ago.  Most  of  these  had  implicit 
confidence  in  me,  and  usually  trusted  me  with  their 
keys. 

Many  pleasant  anecdotes  might  be  related  in  con- 
nection with  some  of  these.  And  here  I  will  return 
and  speak  of  a  few  in  detail. 

During  my  engagement  with  Mr.  C.  Marian,  I 


36  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 

must  say,  I  knew  little  or  nothing  about  how  busi- 
ness should  be  conducted,  I  was  as  green  as  a  cucum- 
ber, but  was  instructed  by  one  of  the  clerks,  Mr. 
Baker,  to  make  a  deoosit  at  the  bank.  On  entering 
the  bank  I  handed  over  to  the  Cashier  the  money 
and  book,  who  took  the  same,  and  said  that  it  was 
all  right,  and  kept  the  book.  I  was  much  perplexed 
and  excited  because  he  had  taken  the  money  and 
did  not  return  the  book.  In  my  perplexed  condition 
I  hastened  back  to  the  office  and  began  to  relate  my 
story,  how  the  bank  man  had  possession  of  the 
money  and  book,  and  refused  to  return  the  book  of 
deposit.  I  thought  sure  the  cashier  had  taken 
advantage  of  me. 

When  Mr.  Baker  and  the  other  clerks  saw  my 
earnestness  and  excited  condition  about  the  matter 
they  began  to  laugh,  and  rather  enjoyed  it  at  my 
expense,  but  Mr.  Baker  explained  to  me  afterward 
that  he  forgot  to  tell  me,  that  it  was  time  for  the 
book  to  be  posted,  and  the  cashier  kept  it  for  that 
purpose.  These  gentlemen  have  stepped  off  the 
stage  of  action,  but  their  memory  to  me  is  frought 
.  with  nothing  but  kindness. 

While  employed  with  the  firm  of  Little  & 
Brown,  the  latter  manifested  his  interest  in  me  by 
securing  for  me  the  janitorship  of  Harvard  College 
buildings.  He  urged  me  to  take  the  situation,  but  I 
refused,  because  I  did  not  feel  myself  competent  to 
assume  such  a  place  and  responsibility. 

Years  after  I  left  the  Transcript  office,  Mr.  Henry 


MY  FRIENDS. 


37 


Dutton,  or  some  of  the  family,  would  always  remind 
me  of  Thanksgiving,  by  seeing  to  it  that  I  had  the 
typical  New  England  dinner — "  turkey  with  fixings." 

Mr.  Daniel  Haskill,  of  the  Transcript,  was  a  great 
help  to  me  in  getting  my  little  book —  "  Sketches  of 
Slave  Life"  —  before  the  public.  He  gave  publicity 
to  it  through  the  columns  of  his  paper,  and  said  in 
his  editorial,  that  he  "had  seen  more  in  the  little 
pamphlet,  than  he  had  read  in  volumes  on  the  sub- 
ject of  slavery."  From  this  announcement  there 
was  a  great  demand  for  my  little  book,  and  I  was 
compelled  to  issue  a  second  edition. 

Mr.  Henry  Callender,  of  whom  I  spoke,  and 
whose  family  has  remained  among  my  warmest 
friends,  was  also  much  help  to  me  in  my  work  at 
Richmond,  Va.,  among  the  freedmen,  at  the  close  of 
the  war;  of  which  I  shall  speak  later. 

The  way  in  which  I  got  acquainted  with  Mr. 
Frank  Merrett,  of  the  firm  of  Merrett  &  Mullen, 
was  a  little  singular.  He  wanted  a  man  to  work  for 
him,  and  Mr.  W.  B.  Morey,  with  whom  I  was 
engaged,  recommended  me.  We  talked  the  matter 
over,  and  came  to  an  agreement.  Finally,  he 
remarked,  that  as  he  did  not  know  me,  he  wished  me 
to  come  to  his  house  every  morning  and  get  the  keys. 
This  gave  me  the  impression  that  he  did  not  want 
to  trust  me  with  the  keys  over  night.  And  I  said 
to  him,  "  Sir,  I  try  to  act  on  the  square  with  all  man- 
kind." He  looked  sharply  at  me,  and  said,  "Are 
you  a  mason?"    I  answered  in  the  affirmative.  He 


38 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


said  nothing  more,  but  gave  me  the  keys  to  carry 
day  and  night. 

I  gave  a  lecture  in  one  of  the  colored  churches, 
on  "the  Misery  and  Folly  of  Idleness."  Mr.  Merrett 
made  it  convenient  to  come  and  hear  m„.  After- 
ward, whenever  in  his  store  he  saw  a  place  where 
the  feather-duster  did  not  reach,  or  a  stray  cobweb 
about,  he  would  remind  me  of  that  lecture,  intimat- 
ing that  I  should  practice  what  I  preached.  Mr. 
Merrett  was  thoughtful  and  kind  to  me.  And 
though  a  Universalist,  he  was  a  true  friend  to  the 
poor  and  the  oppressed. 

During  my  stay  with  Mr.  Tiler  Batcheller,  Mr. 
Charles  Adams,  whom  I  have  already  mentioned  in 
the  list  of  my  friends,  asked  me  to  wash  up  his 
floor.  He  inquired  how  much  I  wanted  for  the 
same.  . 

I  told  him  I  wanted  three  dollars  a  day.  "Why  ! " 
said  he,  "Deacon  (for  that  was  the  name  they  called 
me),  "that  is  as  much  as  they  get  in  the  legislature." 
Again  I  reminded  him  that  my  work  was  worth 
more.  Mr.  Adams  was  a  member  of  the  legislature 
and  often  joked  me,  because  I  said  that  I  was  worth 
more  per  day  scrubbing  floors,  than  he  was  in  mak- 
ing laws  for  the  state  of  Massachusetts.  He  was 
afterward  elected  State  treasurer,  but  continued 
my  warm  friend.  Oh,  how  happily  I  recall  those 
good  old  times,  of  friendship  and  good  will. 

Among  my  list  of  friends  I  must  not  forget  to 
mention  Messrs.  Fredrick  and  George  Batcheller, 


MY  FRIENDS. 


39 


who  took  much  interest  in  me  and  always  stood 
ready  to  help  me. 

At  the  memorial  meeting  held  by  the  merchants 
of  Boston,  in  honor  of  Mr.  Geo.  Batcheller,  I  was  one 
of  the  number  that  was  to  make  an  address.  Of 
course  most  of  the  gentlemen  assembled  were  mer- 
chants, prominent  and  successful.  I,  though  a 
colored  man,  with  humble  occupation  and  the  only 
one  among  them,  felt  and  sympathized  with  them 
on  account  of  the  loss  of  a  valuable  friend. 

Those  who  spoke  had  their  notes  with  them. 
And  doubtless  I  may  have  had  some  of  that  feeling 
that  accompanies  a  strange  cat  in  a  strange  garret, 
but  I  was  there  to  speak  just  as  I  felt.  When  I 
arose  to  speak  without  notes  my  friends  exhibited 
no  little  anxiety,  for  they  thought  I  would  fail.  At 
the  close  of  the  exercises,  however,  I  was  highly 
congratulated.  A  day  or  two  afterward,  a  reporter 
of  a  New  York  paper,  who  was  present,  came  and 
asked  for  my  written  address,  as  he  had  others.  I 
informed  him  that  I  had  none,  and  that  he  would 
have  to  write  what  he  remembered.  In  the  New 
York  paper  he  reported  a  good  analysis  of  my 
address.  / 

What  old  resident  of  Boston  does  not  remember 
William  B.  Spooner,  the  great  temperance  advocate. 
He  was  among  my  earliest  friends,  and  I  cannot 
close  this  chapter  without  giving  him  a  passing 
comment.  He  was  a  man  ready  to  talk  with  me  on 
all  subjects,  secular  and  religious.    Though  he  was 


40 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


a  Unitarian,  and  I  a  Baptist,  yet  we  agreed  on 
many  important  points,  because  we  both  thought 
man  ought  to  be  good.  On  one  occasion,  in  the 
course  of  our  conversation,  I  made  the  remark  that 
ever  since  I  came  out  of  slavery,  I  had  been  trying 
to  make  a  man  of  myself. 

As  I  was  passing  his  office  one  day,  he  called  me 
into  his  counting  room,  and  said  — 

"  Randolph,  you  told  me  something  a  year  or  two 
ago  that  I  have  been  thinking  about."  He  kept  me 
in  suspense  for  a  little  while,  for,  as  we  had  talked 
over  many  things,  I  could  not  recall  what  it  was. 
Finally,  he  said,  "You  told  me  some  time  ago  that 
you  had  tried  to  make  a  man  of  yourself  ever  since 
you  had  left  slavery.  I  think,"  said  he,  "you  have 
succeeded  very  well." 

Mr.  Spooner  was  a  great  help  to  me  in  my  work 
among  the  colored  people  in  the  South,  at  the  close 
of  the  war.  He  made  a  visit  in  that  section,  and  on 
his  return  North,  gave  a  good  account  of  my  work. 

In  this  connection  I  do  not  want  to  forget  my  old 
friend,  Mr.  Nathaniel  Conner,  of  the  firm  of  N.  Jones 
&  Company.  He  belongs  in  the  first  rank  with 
many  others  of  my  warm  friends. 

The  last  but  not  least  of  those  of  whom  I  now 
speak  in  detail,  is  Deacon  Ezekias  Chase,  well  known 
in  Boston  for  his  generous  spirit  and  Christian  prin- 
ciples. I  will  return  and  speak  of  him  in  connection 
with  my  church  work  in  Boston. 


CHURCH  WORK. 


41 


CHAPTER  V. 

CHURCH  WORK. 

MONG  the  first  things  I  did  after  arriving 
in  Boston,  was  that  of  looking  after  my 
church  connection.  In  Virginia,  I  was  a 
member  of  the  Baptist  Church.  And  naturally 
enough  on  coming  here  I  sought  to  identify  myself 
with  that  society. 

I  found  a  body  of  brethren  worshiping  in  a  hall 
on  Belknap  Street,  now  Joy  Street.  They  were 
about  fifteen  in  number,  and  were  being  supplied  by 
Leonard  A.  Grimes.  Myself  and  most  of  my  com- 
panions who  were  professing  Christians,  joined  this 
small  body.  Soon  after,  a  council  was  called  and 
our  society  was  regularly  organized  and  called  the 
Twelfth  Baptist  Church.  Rev.  Mr.  Grimes  was 
properly  ordained,  and  called  to  the  pastorate  of  the 
new  church.  The  history  of  this  church  and  its  dis- 
tinguished pastor  is  well  known  to  the  older  citizens 
of  Boston,  because  of  the  prominence  of  both 
church  and  pastor  in  the  early  anti-slavery  struggles. 


42 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


I  feel  sad  when  I  stop  to  recount,  that  I  am  the 
only  living  surviver  of  that  original  body. 

I  was  licensed  as  a  Baptist  preacher  by  the  above- 
named  church,  and  continued  my  membership  with 
them  ;  but  went  out  working  for,  and  laboring  with, 
other  churches  and  telling  the  story  of  my  bond- 
brethren  in  the  South.  I  felt  that  God  had  called 
me  from  slavery  to  freedom,  and  from  spiritual  dark- 
ness to  soul  liberty,  for  a  purpose,  and  that  a  part  of 
my  work  was  to  remember  and  help  those  in  bonds 
as  if  bound  with  them. 

In  1852,  I  visited  St.  John,  New  Brunswick, 
as  a  missionary,  for  the  purpose  of  preaching  and 
helping  the  colored  people  in  that  vicinity  who  had 
gone  from  the  States.  About  this  time  the  fugitive 
slave  law  was  in  operation.  This  law  was  a  terror, 
and  brought  untold  suffering  to  the  colored  people, 
especially  those  who  had  escaped  from  slavery. 
Many  were  pursued,  hounded  down,  and  carried  back 
into  slavery.  During  this  reign  of  terror,  not  a  few 
colored  people  left  the  States  and  sought  protection 
under  the  British  Crown,  in  Canada. 

While  in  St.  John  and  vicinity  I  visited  Lake 
Loma,  a  colored  settlement.  This  was  a  colony 
that  had  been  settled  and  fostered  under  the  auspi- 
ces of  the  Queen.  Daring  the  war  of  1812, 
between  England  and  the  United  States,  slaves  from 
the  South  made  their  escape  under  British  protec- 
tion, and  many  of  them  were  quartered  at  this  place. 
At  the  time  I  visited  them,  I  found  that  they  had 


CHURCH  WORK. 


43 


made  little  or  no  progress  from  an  educational  point 
of  view,  though  they  had  been  there  fifty  years. 

This  was  probably  due  to  the  fact  that  prior  to  this 
time  they  had  had  no  schools.  After  this  schools 
were  furnished  them  by  the  British  Government, 
and  the  improved  development  was  clearly  seen. 

I  will  here  relate  a  little  incident  that  will  illus- 
trate their  megre  surroundings.  Arrangements 
were  made  that  I  should  preach  for  them  three  times 
on  the  Sabbath,  but  I  was  urged  to  stay  and  preach 
on  Monday  morning,  also.  I  consented  providing  the 
service  would  close  in  time  to  allow  me  to  catch  the 
ten  o'clock  stage.  This  was  the  mail  stage,  and  the 
only  public  conveyance  for  travelling,  coming  twice 
a  week.  Providence  seemed  to  order  it  otherwise 
than  I  intended.  For  just  as  I  had  commenced  my 
sermon,  along  came  the  stage  about  nine  o'clock. 
Of  course  I  gave  up  the  idea  of  leaving  then,  and 
continued  through  the  whole  service.  It  was  a 
magnificent  sight  to  see  such  a  large  congregation 
out  on  Monday  morning  to  divine  service,  just  as 
though  it  was  Sunday.  They  seemed  to  enjoy  my 
visit  and  sermons,  and  many  outward  manifestations 
were  given  showing  the  favorable  impressions.  Nat- 
urally enough,  after  the  service,  I  was  a  little  anxious 
about  how  I  should  get  back  to  St.  John,  a  distance 
of  seventeen  miles. 

The  brethren  were  not  slow  in  coming  to  my 
assistance  in  this  matter,  though  I  must  admit,  the 
conveyance  was  a  slow  one,  namely,  an  ox-team. 


44  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 

Now,  the  ox  is  a  valuable  animal  and  distinguished 
for  his  strength,  but  he  is  not  to  be  counted  on  for 
rapidity,  especially  in  catching  a  train.  This  was 
doubtless  the  best  they  had,  and  I  accepted  and 
marched  on.  After  they  had  carried  me  a  part  of 
the  journey,  I  decided  that  I  could  travel  faster 
than  the  oxen.  Accordingly,  I  put  my  feet  in  the 
path,  and  arrived  at  St.  John  about  six  P.  M.  I 
was  hungry  as  a  tramp,  and  needed  no  persuasion  to 
eat. 

I  was  disappointed  in  my  visit  to  St.  John, 
therefore  my  work  there  was  not  very  satisfactory 
to  me.  I  had  always  cherished  the  idea  that  when  I 
stood  on  British  soil,  I  should  leave  behind  me  the 
miserable  race  prejudice  and  hate.  But  to  my  sur- 
prise I  found  this  state  of  things  as  bad  in  Canada, 
as  in  the  States,  and  it  may  have  appeared  to  me 
worse,  because  I  was  not  looking  for  it.  The  word 
"negger",  with  taunting  insults,  seemed  to  meet  me 
at  every  turn.  The  boys  and  young  men  would  sing 
out,  "  Hello,  negger.  There's  a  negger  from  the 
States,"  and  other  such  epithets.  I  noticed  that 
the  class  that  was  always  ready  to  hurl  at  me  these 
i  insults  wore  worse  clothes  than  I  did.  This  was  a 
source  of  gratification  to  me.  And  besides,  I  had 
heard  so  much  about  the  excellent  people  in  the 
British  Provinces  that  I  came  dressed  in  my  best,  to 
the  credit  of  the  good  people. 

I  must  say,  that  it  was  not  the  better  class  that 
insulted  me,  but  the  worst,  for  I  found  in  this  vicin- 


CHURCH  WORK. 


45 


ity  many  of  the  best  of  people,  who  were  sympa- 
thetic, and  were  true  friends  of  the  colored  race,  but 
the  diabolical  system  of  slavery  had  made  its  influ- 
ence felt  even  in  the  British  territory,  and  there 
were  those  who  were  ready  to  look  upon  the  col- 
ored man  only  as  a  bondman. 

After  my  short  missionary  tour  to  St.  John  and 
vicinity,  I  took  the  boat  for  Boston.  On  my 
arrival  I  was  taken  suddenly  ill,  and  confined  to  my 
bed  for  three  weeks.  But  finally  I  was  restored  to 
health  and  went  on  with  my  work. 

While  speaking  of  my  religious  work  and  expe- 
rience, I  will  also  note  a  few  habits  and  customs 
^of  the  times,  in  connection  with  the  same. 
K  In  these  times  of  which  I  speak  it  was  not  custom- 
ary for  a  colored  preacher  to  address  a  white  congre- 
gation ;  various  were  the  v'ews  maintained  by  the 
white  people  relative  to  the  colored  man.  Some 
said  that  he  was  not  a  member  of  the  human  fam- 
ily; others,  that  he  was  void  of  a  moral  and  intel- 
lectual nature.  

A  large  number  thought  he  had  little  or  no  right 
to  speak  in  a  religious  meeting.  Here  is  a  simple 
illustration  of  the  point  in  view.  I  was  invited  by  a 
brother  minister  to  preach  for  his  congregation, 
which  was  then  worshiping  in  Milk  Row,  Somerville, 
Mass.,  in  a  hall.  I  reluctantly  accepted  the  invita- 
tion, and  on  the  Sunday  and  hour  arranged  put  in 
my  appearance. 

One  of  the  congregation,  a  teamster  by  occupation, 


46 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


when  he  saw  me  enter  inquired  of  the  pastor  who 
was  going  to  preach.  He  remarked  that  Rev.  Peter 
Randolph,  a  colored  preacher  from  Boston,  would 
occupy  the  pulpit.  The  aforesaid  gentleman  felt 
insulted,  took  his  hat  and  departed,  saying  that  he 
did  not  care  to  hear  that  "negger"  preach. 

After  the  introductory  services  were  over  I  had 
taken  my  text,  and  was  about  entering  upon  my 
discourse  when  in  came  my  offended  brother,  and 
took  a  seat  where  he  could  look  me  right  in  the 
face.  My  text  was,  "Behold,  old  things  are  passed 
away  and  all  are  become  new" — my  theme  being 
the  new  birth.  At  the  close  of  the  services  he  was 
asked  how  he  liked  the  sermon.  His  answer  was, 
that  he  was  happily  disappointed.  It  was  quite  evi- 
dent that  this  man,  full  of  prejudice,  could  not  tell 
how  far  a  toad  could  hop,  by  looking  at  his  size. 

I  preached  also  in  the  afternoon,  and  this  same 
brother  was  present  and  seemed  to  enjoy  the  ser- 
mon as  well  as  anyone.  My  text  was  taken  from 
Nehemiah  —  "I  am  doing  a  great  work  and  cannot 
come  down."  I  tried  to  show  the  disadvantages 
under  which  the  children  of  Israel  labored  in 
rebuilding  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  how 
important  it  was  for  them  to  stick  to  the  work.  I 
did  not  then  know  the  condition  of  the  society  I  was 
addressing,  but  was  afterward  informed  that  they 
were  on  the  eve  of  disbanding.  I  also  learned  that 
they  were  much  encouraged  by  what  I  had  to  say 
to  them,  and  they  resolved  to  continue  together. 


CHUBCH  WORK. 


47 


The  church  became  one  of  the  largest  in  Somerville. 
I  simply  speak  of  this  to  show  the  wonder-working 
power  of  God.  His  ways  are  not  our  ways.  They 
are  past  finding  out.  Man  says,  can  any  good  thing 
come  out  of  Nazareth,  but  God  brings  it  out,  and 
takes  the  weak  and  foolish  things  to  confound  the 
great.  He  is  no  respecter  of  persons,  but  a 
discerner  of  the  heart  and  purposes  of  men. 

In  Dorchester,  where  I  was  invited  to  preach,  I 
had  a  similar  experience  to  that  at  Somerville  —  a 
strong  objection  to  hearing  the  "negger  preacher". 
This  may  be  added  also  that  the  objector  did  finally 
hear  me,  and  it  is  the  last  sermon  he  heard  on  earth. 
For  he  was  taken  sick  and  died  shortly  after  his  ill- 
ness. I  was  informed  of  this  by  the  pastor  who 
invited  me  to  preach  ;  and  he  made  the  remark  that 
it  was  the  last  sermon  this  man  heard  before 
going  to  the  judgment.  My  subject  on  that 
occasion  was  the  "boundless  love  of  God". 

And  how  true  it  is,  my  readers,  that  we  must  all 
appear  before  the  judgment  seat  of  Christ,  and  ren- 
der our  account.  Certainly,  if  we  are  to  meet  the 
approbation  of  God,  we  must  go  along  the  way  of 
the  golden  rule,. recognizing  all  men  as  brothers,  and 
doing  unto  them  as  we  would  have  them  do  unto  us. 
Think  you  that  this  man  who  did  not  want  to  hear 
me  preach,  but  who  heard  his  last  sermon  on  earth 
from  me,  will  refuse  to  meet  me  at  the  judgment  on 
account  of  my  color  —  something  I  had  nothing  to 
do  with  ? 


48 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


I  am  thankful  to  say  that  this  unpleasant  state  of 
things  which  existed  forty-five  years  ago  is  now 
numbered  with  the  past.  Since  then,  I  have 
preached  in  many  white  congregations,  where,  I 
believe,  all  heard  me  gladly.  In  connection  with  my 
early  ministry  I  would  also  mention  Plymouth, 
Massachusetts,  with  its  historic  memories.  It  was 
here,  where  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  landed  and  estab- 
lished those  principles  which,  like  the  solid  rock  on 
which  they  stood,  have  defied  the  test  of  the  cen- 
turies, and  extended  throughout  the  length  and 
breadth  of  this  great  ^nation.  May  these  principles 
ever  live,  and  like  those  emanating  from  the  impreg- 
nable Rock  of  Ages,  produce  results  that  shall  be 
for  the  blessing  of  humanity.  Plymouth,  like  many 
other  places  I  have  visited  and  labored  in,  is  not 
without  its  incidents. 

While  here  I  was  invited  to  make  one  of  a  party 
of  four  to  attend  a  Sunday  service  at  Monument 
Pond.  When  we  arrived  the  congregation  had 
assembled,  but  they  had  no  preacher.  The  white 
brethren  in  my  party  said,  "  Here  is  a  colored 
preacher,  why  not  hear  him." 

Accordingly,  I  was  prevailed  upon  to  preach. 
The  people  there  had  never  heard  a  colored  preacher, 
and  their  curiosity  was  at  a  high  pitch.  Though  I 
was  somewhat  of  a  novelty  to  them,  they  received 
my  message,  and  the  meeting  was  declared  a 
success.  At  Eel  River,  I  had  what  I  may  call  a 
slip-up  —  whether  the  name  of  the  river  had  any- 


CHUB C II  WORK. 


•19 


thing  to  do  with  my  misfortune  I  am  not  prepared 
to  say.  I  was  unexpectedly  called  upon  to  preach 
for  a  white  congregation,  and  when  I  got  into  the 
pulpit  I  could  not  find  my  text.  My  situation  can 
better  be  imagined  than  described.  On  going  home 
after  the  service  I  tried  to  describe  my  feelings  and 
the  circumstance  of  losing  my  text.  The  remark 
of  my  friend  was,  14  Why,  we  would  not  have  known 
it,  if  you  had  not  spoken  of  it."  While  carrying  on 
a  series  of  meetings  in  the  little  Chapel  at  Ply- 
mouth, I  preached  on  the  subject  of  eternal  punish- 
ment. There  were  a  few  in  my  audience  who  took 
issue  with  me  on  the  subject,  and  we  had  a  discus- 
sion which  lasted  nearly  three  days,  they  holding 
to  the  soul-sleeping  doctrine,  and  I  to  the  con- 
scious existence  of  the  soul.  One  of  my  hearers 
was  so  well  pleased  with  my  argument,  that  he  made 
me  a  present  of  a  valuable  commentary  on  the  New 
Testament. 

After  the  discussion,  I  met  my  main  antagonist  — 
who  was  a  clergyman — and  put  to  him  another 
question  on  the  subject.  He  said,  "  I  will  answer  you 
as  the  slave  answered  his  master.  The  master  had 
been  converted,  and  while  reading  in  the  Epistles  of 
Paul  he  came  across  something  he  did  not  under- 
stand, and  asked  his  slave  about  it .  The  slave 
wanted  to  know  how  long  he  had  been  reading  the 
Bible,  and  he  said,  about  three  weeks.  1  And  you  have 
got  so  far  as  that  already?  Go  back  to  the  begin- 
ning and  read  up  to  that  point,  and  you  will  under- 


50 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


stand  it  better.' "  In  this  allusion  my  opponent 
acknowledged  his  deficiency  on  the  subject. 

In  1856,  I  was  called  to  take  charge  of  a  small 
struggling  church  in  New  Haven,  Connecticut,  at  a 
salary  of  two  hundred  dollars  a  year.  At  this  time 
I  was  doing  very  well  in  Boston,  in  the  way  of  taking 
care  of  myself  and  family.  But  feeling  that  this  was 
the  ordering  of  God,  I  accepted,  hoping  that  I  might 
be  a  humble  instrument  in  His  hands  of  doing  some 
good  among  my  people.  I  found  the  society  in  a 
deplorable  condition  and  much  discouraged.  They 
reminded  me  of  the- vision  of  Ezekiel  in  the  valley 
of  dry-bones.  Their  views  of  Baptist  doctrine  and 
church  government  was  much  confused. 

After  much  work  and  preaching,  the  dry-bones 
seem  to  get  back  into  place  and  shape.  The  breth- 
ren not  at  heart  Baptist,  thought  there  was  no  need 
of  a  Baptist  church  in  that  vicinity,  but  we  thought 
otherwise  and  pushed  along  that  line.  Though  I 
had  taken  charge  of  the  church,  I  was  not  ordained 
and  could  not  perform  the  full  duties  of  a  pastor. 
The  church  urged  my  ordination,  and  I  was 
ordained  at  Williamsburgh,  now  Brooklyn,  New 
York. 

A  regular  council  was  called  according  to  the  Bap- 
tist rule,  and  the  ordination  took  place  in  the  church 
of  which  Rev.  L.  A.  Black  was  pastor.  Rev.  Mr. 
Burg,  an  Englishman,  was  the  chairman  of  the 
council.  Among  the  other  members  were  Rev. 
Sampson  White,  and  Rev.  Mr.  Herring.    After  my 


CHURCH  WORK. 


51 


ordination  at  Williamsburgh  I  returned  to  New 
Haven,  with  all  the  qualifications  of  a  regular 
Baptist  pastor.  I  realized  what  was  before  me,  and 
raised  up  the  regular  Baptist  banner.  I  preached  \y 
sermons  on  the  subject  of  Baptism,  prepared  a 
special  sermon  on  my  reasons  for  being  a  Baptist 
and  invited  my  outside  brethren  to  hear  it.  I 
tried  to  emphasize  the  great  commission  and  our 
Saviour's  command,  and  that  as  his  followers  we  had 
no  right  to  change  that  command.  A  Methodist 
brother  who  was  present,  in  speaking,  said  that  he 
agreed  with  me  that  we  had  no  right  to  change  the 
command  of  Christ.  Much  interest  was  aroused  by 
this  opposition,  and  some  of  the  Methodist  pastors 
had  to  baptize  by  immersion  some  of  their  members  >' 
to  keep  them. 

I  will  here  speak  of  a  noticeable  incident  in  this 
line.  At  one  of  my  meetings  a  candidate  presented 
himself  for  membership  and  wanted  to  be  immersed. 
After  hearing  his  experience,  the  question  was 
asked,  would  he  comply  with  the  Baptist  conditions 
of  membership?  He  intimated  that  he  was  not 
ready  to  do  so.  Thereupon  I  refused  to  baptize 
him.  He  went  to  a  Methodist  minister  and  he 
agreed  to  perform  the  rite.  The  Methodist  brother, 
who  was  better  known  as  "  Father  Spence," 
arranged  to  immerse  this  candidate  on  the  same 
Sunday  that  I  was  to  baptize.  There  was  a  large 
crowd  present  in  all  kinds  of  vehicles  and  boats. 
I  had  led  the  w?ay  and  buried  beneath  the  liquid 


52 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


grave,  those  who  had  given  evidence  of  their  faith  in 
Christ,  and  thus  professed  him  before  the  world. 
Then  came  in  "  Father  Spence,"  with  his  one 
candidate.  This  was  a  new  departure  for  him  and 
his  timidity  was  evident.  He  raised  his  hand  and 
said,  "I  baptize  thee,"  etc.,  and  plunged  the  man 
under  the  wave.  For  some  reason  or  other,  he  lost 
his  hold  and  his  candidate  was  struggling  for  dear 
life,  and  came  near  getting  drowned.  The  people 
regarded  this  unsuccessful  attempt  as  a  special 
judgment  agaimt  the  Methodist  preacher.  After 
this  I  had  but  little  trouble  about  my  Baptist  views. 

After  serving  tne  church  in  New  Haven  for  one 
year  I  was  compelled  to  resign  my  charge  on 
account  of  pecuniary  circumstances,  as  the  church 
was  not  able  to  support  a  pastor.  The  sentiment  of 
the  church  was  much  against  my  leaving,  but  I 
could  not  remain,  and  returned  again  to  Boston.  I 
am  pleased  to  say  that  my  stay  in  New  Haven  was 
not  without  evidence  of  good  both  to  the  people  and 
to  myself.  T  had  a  splendid  opportunity  to  attend 
the  lectures  given  at  Yale  College,  and  availed 
myself  of  them.  So  I  departed  from  New  Haven 
richer  in  knowledge  and  experience,  if  in  nothing 
else. 

I  was  not  in  Boston  very  long  before  I  received 
another  call,  from  a  church  in  Newburgh,  New  York. 
This  was  a  beautiful  little  town  on  the  Hudson 
River,  near  West  Point,  distinguished  for  its  relics, 
and  as  being  one  of  the  main  points  of  operation 


CHURCH  WORK. 


53 


used  by  General  George  Washington,  in  the  Revo- 
lutionary War.  It  was  in  the  year  of  1858,  that  I 
received  this  call  and  settled  as  pastor  over  the 
church  at  Newburgh. 

The  condition  of  the  flock  was  similar  to  that  in 
which  I  found  the  church  in  New  Haven.  With 
this  addition,  however,  they  seem  to  be  of  Dutch 
origin  and  peculiarities,  and  were  destitute  of  what 
most  colored  people  needed  at  that  time,  and  even 
now,  an  education.  The  non-progress  of  my  people 
in  this  country  is  due  to  the  fact  that  they  are  not 
educated. 

The  confused  state  and  condition  of  the  colored 
people  in  Newburgh  prevented  the  growth  and 
development  of  the  spiritual  fruit  that  one  had  a 
right  to  look  for.  ■  It  was  my  duty  to  faithfully  sow 
the  seed  that  another  might  reap  the  desired  harvest. 
This  I  endeavored  to  do,  to  the  best  of  my  ability, 
and  leaving  the  result  with  Him  who  knows  all 
things. 

I  have  no  remarkable  incidents  to  relate  during 
my  stay  in  this  place  save  one  or  two.  I  was 
invited  on  one  occasion  to  preach  for  a  brother 
minister.  When  I  arrived  at  his  meeting-house  I 
found  it  crowded  with  both  white  and  colored  people. 
The  former  being  mostly  young  men. 

The  crowd  had  come  together  doubtless,  expect- 
ing to  have  what  they  call  a  good  time.  After  a 
little  while,  the  pastor  whispered  to  me,  saying, 
"There  has  been  an  announcement  made  that  a 


54 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


sermon  would  be  preached  here,  on  the  great  day  of 
judgment."  He  wanted  to  know  from  me  if  I 
could  preach  on  that  subject.  I  told  him  it  was 
quite  a  short  notice,  but  I  thought  I  could  do  so ; 
anyway,  I  would  try. 

He  went  on  with  the  preliminary  part  of  the  ser- 
vice, and  at  the  time  for  the  sermon,  I  arose  and 
stepped  forward  with  my  text :  "  The  great  day  of 
his  wrath  has  come,  and  who  shall  be  able  to 
stand?"  As  I  was  getting  along,  in  the  midst  of 
my  sermon,  I  noticed  quite  a  number  of  the  white 
young  men,  who  came  looking  for  fun,  leaving.  As 
they  did  not  see  anybody  jump  up,  or  falling  over 
the  benches,  they  were  doubtless  disappointed  and 
took  their  departure. 

I  afterward  learned  from  some  of  his  members 
that  the  pastor  did  not  have  the  best  motive  in  view, 
in  forcing  me  to  take  this  subject  without  a 
moment's  notice.  Many,  however,  pronounced  the 
sermon  good,  and  some  dated  their  conversion  to 
the  same.  In  this  incident,  I  was  reminded  of  that 
Scripture  where  it  says  that  God  causes  the  wrath 
of  men  to  praise  him. 

I  shall  never  forget  my  visit  to  Snake  -Hill,  which 
is  just  three  miles  from  Newburgh.  The  origin  of 
the  name  seems  to  be  founded  on  fact,  as  tradition 
gives  it.  It  is  reported  that  on  a  certain  day  a  big 
show  was  in  town,  and  most  of  its  curiosities  con- 
sisted of  snakes.  The  authorities  of  the  town 
ordered  that  these  reptiles  should  be  loosed,  and 


CHURCH  WORK. 


55 


they  found  their  home  in  the  hill  that  afterward 
assumed  the  name.  On  the  day  that  I  visited  this 
mountain  in  company  with  others,  these  reptiles 
probably  had  concealed  themselves  in  the  caves,  for 
not  many  were  visible. 

The  most  interesting  thing  to  me  on  this  moun- 
tain was  the  heavy  black  cloud  which  seemed  about 
to  burst  on  us  at  any  moment.  We  did  not  get  any 
of  the  shower  while  on  the  mountain,  but  when  we 
came  down  we  found  it  had  rained  considerable. 
This  taught  one  the  lesson  that  it  is  one  thing  to  be 
on  the  mountain,  another  thing  to  be  in  the  valley. 

On  one  occasion,  I  happened  in  the  court  house 
here,  and  was  conversing  with  a  white  man  on  the 
subject  of  religion,  when  another  informed  me  if  I  had 
anything  to  do  with  politics,  I  would  soon  find  myself 
in  the  jail.  He  may  have  said  this  in  the  way  of  a 
joke,  but  in  those  times,  many  a  true  thing  was  said 
in  a  joke.  In  closing  I  can  say  this  about  Newburgh, 
that  I  have  nothing  to  regret  relative  to  my  stay 
there.  I  had  many  warm  friends,  and  pleasant 
remembrances  of  the  place. 


56 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


CHAPTER  VI. 


IN  A  VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


n 


NOW  propose  to  speak  concerning  my  prep- 
aration and  work  at  Richmond,  Virginia. 
And  here  I  may  say,  that  like  General 
Grant,  Benj.  F.  Butler,  and  other  Northern  gen- 
erals, I  made  several  attempts  and  was  much 
delayed  before  I  got  there. 

When  I  left  my  charge  in  Newburgh,  N.  Y.,  I 
returned  to  Boston  and  remained  about  two  years. 
During  this  time  I  was  engaged  in  a  small  newspaper 
business  and  preached  for  the  Old  Ladies'  Home, 
then  located  on  Phillip  Street.  For  my  two  years' 
service  to  them  I  received  no  compensation.  But  I 
shall  never  forget  what  the  matron,  Mrs.  Martha 
Thurston,  a  devout  Christian  woman,  said  to  me  in 
regard  to  my  pay.  In  speaking  of  my  service  she 
remarked:  " Brother •  Randolph,  we  shall  never  be 
able  to  pay  you  for  your  services  here,  but  the  Lord 
will  reward  you." 

I  believe  her  prayer  was  answered.  A  few  days 
after  this  I  went  into  the  well-known  store  of  Hitch- 


IK  A  VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


57 


cook  &  Potter,  and  was  introduced  to  Mr.  J.  C. 
Lester  of  Boston,  as  the  preacher  at  the  Colored 
Old  Ladies'  Home.  He  asked  several  questions, 
and  among  others,  how  much  money  I  received  for 
my  services.  Of  course,  I  told  him.  He  was  sur- 
prised, and  asked  how  I  managed  to  live,  and 
finished  by  saying,  "  If  the  men  in  this  store  will 
give  you  a  barrel  of  flour,  I  will  take*  it  home  for 
you."  This  was  said  in  the  way  of  a  joke.  But  a 
few  days  after  I  was  invited  to  call  at  the 
store  again,  and  received  in  money  the  value  of  a 
barrel  of  flour.  I  speak  of  this  to  show  the  answer 
to  faithful  prayer,  and  also  for  the  purpose  of  intro- 
ducing my  friend,  Mr.  J.  C.  Lester,  who  assisted  me 
to  Richmond. 

I  must  now  hasten  on  to  Richmond,  the  scene  of 
conflict,  for  I  will  be  delayed  somewhat  on  my 
journey.  As  I  was  in  Boston  during  the  latter  part 
of  the  War,  it  was  my  cherished  desire  to  go  and 
serve  my  country  as  chaplain  in  one  of  the  colored 


regiments.  Accordingly  I  offered  myself  to  Gov- 
ernor Andrew,  but  there  was  no  opening  at  the  time 
for  me.  When  Lee  surrendered  to  Grant  at 
Appomattox,  and  the  war  was  declared  at  an  end, 
and  the  slaves  free,  many  of  the  freedmen  in 
Virginia  —  those  who  knew  they  were  free  —  gath- 
ered at  the  great  centres  where  the  Union  Soldiers 
were  quartered,  mainly  for  protection  from  their 
masters,  and  to  see  what  freedom  meant^ 

One  of  these  places  was  City  Point,  Virginia. 


58 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


As  there  was  a  large  number  of  men,  women  and 
children  quartered  here,  and  were  in  the  condition  of 
sheep,  without  pasture  or  shepherd,  I  was  -urged  by 
Rev.  L.  A.  Grimes,  to  look  after  and  try  and  help 
these  poor  people.  But  I  had  not  the  necessary 
means  to  undertake  this  work.  I  presented  the 
matter  to  my  friend,  Mr.  Lester,  and  he  with  others 
furnished  the  desired  help. 

On  my  journey  I  stopped  at  Baltimore,  Md.,  and 
during  my  delay,  the  nation  was  thrown  in  the  deep- 
est sorrow  over  the  reported  news  that  President 
Lincoln  had  been  assassinated.  The  national  flag 
was  lowered  at  half-mast,  proving  that  the  report 
was  true.  I  remained  in  Baltimore  until  after  the 
funeral  and  then  hastened  to  City  Point.  On  arriving 
I  found  the  colored  people  as  I  have  intimated,  in  a 
confused  state,  and  wanted  more  than  I  was  able  to 
give  them.  My  stay  at  City  Point  was  short,  for  I 
realized  that  that  was  not  the  best  place  for  me  to  make 
my  head-quarters.  As  the  way  to  Richmond  had 
opened  and  hostilities  ceased,  I  hastened  to  establish 
myself  there  as  a  place  more  suited  for  the  work,  in 
every  way. 

On  my  arrival  at  Richmond  I  was  met  at  the 
Rocketts,  by  Filds  Cook,  and  carried  to  the  house 
of  Mr.  John  Adams,  who  had  cognizance  of  my 
coming.  He  was  one  of  the  most  prominent  col- 
ored men  in  the  city,  having  been  a  freeman  before 
the  war,  and  was  in  fair  circumstances.  Being  in 
his  hands  I  was  taken  good  care  of,  and  was  able  to 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


59 


proceed  at  once  to  the  needed  work.  The  scene 
that  opened  before  my  eyes  as  I  entered  Richmond 
cannot  be  accurately  described  by  word  or  pen. 
The  city  was  in  smoke  and  ashes,  that  is,  a  goodly 
part  of  it.  for  the  Confederacy,  on  taking  their 
departure,  fired  the  city  rather  than  let  it  fall  into 
the  hands  of  the  Union  forces. 

The  colored  people  from  all  parts  of  the  state 
were  crowding  in  at  the  capital,  running,  leaping, 
and  praising  God  that  freedom  had  come  at  last.  It 
seems  to  me  I  can  hear  their  songs  now  as  they  ring 
through  the  air:  "Slavery  chain  done  broke  at  last; 
slavery  chain  done  broke  at  last  —  I's  goin*  to  praise 
God  till  I  die." 

Many  of  the  old  people  had  prayed  and  looked 
forward  to  this  day,  but  like  Moses  they  were  per. 
mitted  to  see  it  afar  off,  and  not  enter  it. 

The  place  was  literally  full  of  soldiers,  "Yanks" 
and  H  Rebs." 

The  armies  were  breaking  up  and  returning  home. 
Richmond  was  the  great  centre  for  dispersions,  all 
hours,  day  and  night  was  the  marching  of  regiments, 
going  and  coming.  The  sight  of  some  of  these 
would  bring  tears  to  the  dryest  eyes,  as  they  beheld 
men  wounded,  maimed  in  every  possible  shape  and 
form  that  could  be  mentioned.  And  many  of  these, 
like  the  poor  colored  people,  were  truly  glad  that  the 
war  was  over.  . 

The  city  of  Richmond  did  not  have  accommoda- 
tions enough  for  this  great  mass  of  colored  people, 


80 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


so  many  were  gathered  on  the  suburbs  and  taken  care 
of  in  the  best  why  possible  under  the  circumstances. 

One  of  these  principal  camps,  where  the  people 
were  huddled  in  temporary  structures,  was  called 
Schinnborazzo.  Here  I  spent  a  part  of  my  first  Sun- 
day in  Richmond,  and  preached  to  a  large  congrega- 
tion. Religious  services  were  held  in  these  camps  all 
day,  and  several  other  preachers  were  present  and 
readily  lent  their  service.  Among  these  was  Rev. 
John  Jasper,  who  has  distinguished  himself  since,  as 
the  famous  "Sun  do  move  preacher."  This  was  the 
first  time  I  had  the  pleasure  of  meeting  him.  His 
preaching  was  much  more  excitable  than  mine, 
and  seemed  to  effect  the  people  in  a  way  that  I  could 
not.  This  scene,  and  the  day's  work,  was  very 
impressive  upon  me,  and  made  me  feel  and  sympa- 
thize with  these  folks  only  as  one  who  had  been  in 
slavery,  could  feel  and  sympathize. 

It  had  been  argued  by  some  that,  if  the  Negroes 
were  set  free  they  would  murder  and  kill  the  white 
people.    But  instead  of  that,  they  were  praising 
God  and  the  Yankees   for  life  and   liberty.  Of 
■"course,  soldiers  were  stationed  about  these  camps, 
j  and  in  all  the  streets  of  the  city,  to  keep  in  check 
f  anything  like  an   outbreak.    I  am   sorry  to  say 
here,  that  the  treatment  of  some  of  the  soldiers 
toward  the  poor  colored,  people  was  indeed  shame- 
ful.   For  the  slightest  provocation,  and  sometimes 
for  no  cause  whatever,  the  butts  of  their  guns  and 
bayonets  were  used  unmercifully  upon  them. 


AN  A   VIR G INI A  PULPIT. 


01 


The  colored  people  held  indignation  meetings, 
resolutions  were  passed,  and  a  delegation  appointed 

[to  lay  this  whole  matter  before  President  Johnson. 

:  I  was  the  instigator  of  the  meeting  being  called. 
And  not  until  these   steps   were   taken   did  the 

-  colored  people  have  rest  from  the  ill-treatment  of 
the  soldiers. 

This,  also,  must  be  said,  relative  to  these  soldiers  : 
the  most  of  them  who  committed  these  depredations 
were  from  the  Middle  States,  and  sympathizers  with 
the  South.  They  seemed  to  be  mad  because  the 
"negger"  was  free,  and  took  the  authority  given 
them  by  the  wearing  of  the  blue  to  express  it. 

The  petition  of  the  colored  men  was  noticed  by 
the  President,  and  remedied  by  General  Schofield. 
In  addition  to  the  Provost  Marshal's,  where  soldiers 
were  disciplined,  bureaus  were  established  for  the 
freedmen,  where  they  could  be  heard  and  assisted. 
The  true  condition  of  the  colored  people  at  this 
time  will  never  be  written.  When  I  arrived  at 
Richmond,  I  had  letters  of  introduction  from  Gov- 
ernor Andrew  to  Governor  Pierpont,  and  also  to 
General  Schofield.  I  was  appointed  by  the  Gen- 
eral to  issue  tickets  or  passes,  and  distribute  them 
to  the  people,  in  order  that  they  might  get  what  pro- 
visions and  clothing  there  was  for  them  through  the 
agency  of  the  bureau.  It  was  a  sight  to  behold  to 
see  these  hungry  souls  crowding  in  at  my  office  to 
obtain  the  slips  of  paper  that  was  to  give  them  the 
necessities  of  life.    The  Freedman's  Bureau  also  took 


62 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


the  place  of  the  Court  House,  to  protect  and  settle 
all  difficulties  that  might  arise  among  the  people. 

In  this  particular  some  of  the  incidents  were 
heartrending,  the  most  severe  cases  being  where 
the  former  master  and  slave  were  concerned. 
Some  of  the  masters  were  very  reluctant  in  giving 
up  their  servants,  and  tried  to  defraud  and  rob  them 
out  of  their  freedom,  and  many  of  the  slaves  had  to 
run  away  from  their  masters  to  be  free.  It  is  true 
that  the  proclamation  had  been  accepted,  and  Lee 
had  surrendered  his  sword  to  Grant,  but  some  of  the 
white  people  still  contended  that  "  these  are  my 
neggers." 

When  some  of  the  white  people  found  that  they 
could  no  longer  retain  them  as  slaves  they  used 
them  very  cruelly.  I  was  often  called  at  the  bureau 
to  interest  myself  in  and  'defend  these  poor  people. 
One  sad  case  I  will  here  mention  —  a  colored  girl 
about  eighteen  years  of  age,  who  was  brought  before 
the  bureau,  with  a  charge  against  her  former  master. 
She  had  been  shamefully  whipped  and  her  back 
burned  with  a  hot  iron.  I  well  recall  the  words  of 
General  Merrett,  who  was  at  the  time  the  president 
of  the  bureau. 

As  he  beheld  the  condition  of  this  girl,  he 
exclaimed,  "What  is  this!"  The  officer  who  had 
her  in  charge  said,  "It  is  the  devil."  An  eye-wit- 
ness who  was  present  photographed  the  back  of  this 
girl,  and  it  can  be  had  if  my  readers  would  like  to  see 
it.    Let  me  make  another  brief  mention,  in  the 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT.  63 


South,  especially  during  the  dark  days  of  slavery. 
The  colored  man  was  expected  to  stop  and  let  the 
white  person  pass  first,  and  often  had  to  get  off  the 
sidewalk  to  let  the  white  woman  pass.  I  was  an 
eye-witness  to  this  incident  :  A  white  woman  was 
about  to  cross  the  street,  but  the  colored  teamster, 
who  had  the  right  of  way,  did  not  stop  for  her  to 
cross.  She  had  him  arrested  for  attempting  to  run 
over  her.  I  went  to  the  jail,  and  on  my  personal 
testimony,  he  was  released. 

This  simply  illustrates  the  condition  of  things 
that  I  speak  of,  and  also  the  necessity  and  work  of 
the  Freedman's  Bureau. 

The  Freedman's  Bureau  was  only  a  temporary 
arrangement  intended  to  help  relieve  the  condition 
of  the  ex-slaves.    While  it  had  the  means  to  do  so  it 
was  inestimable  to  the  poor  and  needy.    But  soon 
the  sources  of  supply  failed  and  the  important  work 
was  abandoned.    This  made  the  suffering  and  needs 
of  the  people  more  intense  than  ever.    Many  had  tof-  .A-  Tj 
go  back  to  their  former  masters  to  work  or  starve,  1'  ; 
and  many  of  the  whites  tried  to  make  the  Negroes!! 
feel  that  freedom  was  worse  than  slavery. 

In  slavery  times  the  masters  would  see  to  it,  that 
the  slaves  were  fed  —  that  is,  with  such  as  they  had 
to  give  them,  but  now,  they  would  see  them  starve. 
It  is  not  hard  to  understand  this  state  of  affairs, 
when  one  thinks  of  the  situation ;  here  the  whites 
were  smarting  under  their  defeat,  the  Negroes,  who 
were  their  main  support,  were  taken  away  from  them 


64 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


as  slaves  and  goods  of  chattel,  but  still  remained 
at  their  doors.  The  unvented  wrath  they  had  for 
the  Yankees,  for  meddling  with  their  pet  institution, 
was  poured  out  on  the  poor  Negroes. 

When  the  bureau  closed,  the  Police  Court  took 
its  place  as  a  tribunal  of  justice.  I  have  already 
stated,  that  the  Freedman's  Bureau  was  not  only  a 
place  for  relief,  but  also,  for  the  distribution  of 
justice.  I  will  speak  briefly  of  the  Police  Court, 
that  took  its  place,  and  my  relation  with  the  same. 

In  the  return  and  establishment  of  the  Police 
Court,  the  Mayor  of  the  city  for  the  time  being  was 
constituted  the  judge.  This  happened  to  be  George 
C.  Cahoone,  a  New  Yorker.  He  studied  law  in  the 
office  of  Chief  Justice  Chase,  and  was  a  man  of 
excellent  qualities. 

The  white  South  looked  upon  him,  however,  as 
a  northern  carpet-bagger,  and  did  everything  to 
oppose  him.  He  was  a  faithful  administer  of  the 
law  as  he  understood  it,  was  patient  and  full  of 
justice.  The  colored  people,  as  well  as  the  white, 
who  had  violated  the  law,  in  his  opinion,  had  to  pay 
the  penalty.  The  court  was  constantly  crowded 
with  colored  people  with  their  complaints.  I  was 
invited  by  Mr.  Cahoone  to  look  after  the  interests  of 
these  people,  for  they  needed  some  one  who  could 
understand  them.  I  accepted  the  invitation  and  was 
frequently  in  the  court.  Many  would  come  to  Mr. 
Cahoone,  with  their  long  story,  but  he  would  say  to 
them,  "You  go  and  tell  Mr.  Randolph,  and  he  will 


IN  A  VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


65 


tell  me."  After  I  had  heard  the  long  complaint,  I 
would  put  it  in  as  short  a  form  as  possible  and  then 
explain  it  to  the  judge.  There  was  no  end  to  com- 
plaints and  outrages  committed  on  the  poor  and 
ignorant.  If  the  farmer  lost  his  horse,  cow,  dog  or 
chicken,  by  death,  or  theft,  the  "  negger  "  was  held 
responsible,  and  arrested  on  the  least  suspicion. 

I  remember  a  special  case,  where  a  man  lost  his 
cow  by  death,  and  two  colored  men  were  accused  of 
it.  The  evidence  showed  that  they  were  innocent 
of  the  cow's  death  ;  but  the  case  had  to  go  to  the 
higher  court.  I  appeared  there  in  their  behalf,  and 
they  were  acquitted. 

The  object  of  many  of  these  arrests  can  be  fully 
understood  by  the  Southern  people  only. 

The  Negro  had  suddenly  been  made  a  citizen  and 
given  the  right  of  franchise ;  this  was  an  offence  to 
the  Southern  white  people  —  and  one  that  they  will 
never  forgive  the  North  for.  In  my  opinion  it 
should  be  overlooked  just  as  other  war  measures 
are  overlooked  and  forgiven,  for  it  was  a  necessity. 

The  white  people  were  determined  to  prevent 
them  from  voting,  if  they  could,  and  various  methods 
were  resorted  to,  in  order  to  deprive  them  of  their 
vote.  Chief  among  these,  was  to  get  the  men  put 
in  jail  on  some  criminal  charge,  and  thus  disqual- 
ify them  ;  for  the  law  considered  all  disqualified  who 
had  been  arrested.  The  jail  house  and  chain-gang 
were  constantly  filled  with  able-bodied  colored  men 
whose  offence  did  not  entitle  them  to  be  there. 


66 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


The  ballot,  though  a  great  privilege,  was  the  cause  of 
much  suffering  for  the  freeclmen. 

Before  I  dismiss  these  court  proceedings  let  me 
mention  one  more  case  in  which  I  had  to  partici- 
pate. On  one  occasion,  Mr.  Cahoone  was  absent 
and  his  assistant  was  on  the  bench.  This  morning 
without  much  delay  or  inquiry,  the  judge  pro  tem- 
had  sentenced  a  colored  boy  to  prison  for  stealing  a 
small  sum  of  money.  As  I  entered  I  saw  the  boy 
standing  and  weeping  bitterly.  I  interrogated  him, 
and  found  that  the  man  who  had  brought  the  charge 
against  him  was  his  father.  I  sought  out  the  father 
and  found  him  to  be  a  white  man.  Several  who 
were  in  the  position  to  know,  verified  the  state- 
ment of  the  lad  that  the  man  was  his  father.  I 
made  known  the  facts  in  the  case  and  urged  the 
judge  to  delay  the  case  until  he  heard  me. 

I  endeavored  to  show  in  my  argument,  that  this 
was  a  case  where  a  father  was  appearing  against  his 
own  son,  and  though  his  mother  was  colored  and 
had  been  sold  in  slavery,  nevertheless  this  was  his 
flesh  and  blood.  The  judge  stopped  me  before  I 
finished  my  argument,  by  saying,  "That  will  do,  Sir; 
I  will  revoke  the  sentence,  and  you  can  take  the  boy 
in  charge  for  three  weeks."  This  is  one  of  many 
cases  of  this  kind  that  might  be  mentioned,  but  the 
white  South  rarely  likes  to  discuss  this  part  of  the 
question.  Mr.  Cahoone,  in  spite  of  his  acts  of  kind- 
ness and  justice  to  all,  was  unable  to  win  over  as 
his  friends  the  local  white  people. 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT, 


They  looked  upon  him  as  a  Northern  Carpet-bag- 
ger, and  were  determined  to  get  rid  of  him,  if  possi- 
ble. They  watched  for  their  chance  as  a  cat  would 
watch  for  a  rat.  An  unfortunate  circumstance  with 
which  Mr.  Cahoone  was  connected,  furnished  an 
opportunity  for  them  to  commence  operations. 

A  foreigner  died  without  a  proper  will ;  and  in  such 
cases  the  effects  go  to  the  state.  But  Mr.  Cahoone 
acting  not  as  the  mayor  of  the  city,  but  as  a  lawyer, 
examined  the  submitted  report  and  ordered  it  to  be 
collected,  signing  his  name  in  approval  of  the  same 
as  a  proper  document,  and  received  the  lawyer's  fee 
for  his  work. 

When  the  time  came  for  his  re-election,  this  mat- 
ter was  strongly  urged  against  him  on  the  ground  of 
forgery.  He  was  elected,  however,  by  an  over- 
whelming majority  of  the  votes  of  colored  and  union 
men.  This  incensed  the  whites  ;  they  destroyed  the 
ballot-boxes  and  votes,  and  proceeded  to  eject  the 
incumbent  and  appoint  another  in  his  place.  Mr. 
Cahoone  remonstrated  against  such  procedure,  for 
he  was  a  man  of  strong  convictions  and  was  not 
afraid  to  express  them. 

The  crisis  was  now  at  hand.  The  local  whites  who 
held  office  under  him  deserted  at  this  trying  hour, 
and  he  was  compelled  to  depend  solely  on  the  col- 
ored men  and  a  few  unionists.  The  mob  surrounded 
him  and  his  colored  followers  in  a  hall  and  kept  them 
there  all  day. 

It  was  necessary  for  him  to  appeal  to  the  United 


68 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


States  authorities  for  protection,  and  also  to  decide 
who  was  the  rightful  incumbent  of  the  office.  The 
decision  was  in  favor  of  Mr.  Cahoone,  and  he  was 
restored  to  his  former  position.  In  this  trial  Judge 
Underwood  presided,  and  he  was  defended  by 
Henry  A.  Wise,  Ex-Governor  Wells,  and  Chandler 
of  Maine. 

The  whites  were  determined,  however,  not  to  let 
Mr.  Cahoone  remain  in  office.  The  charge  of  forg- 
ery relative  to  the  report  he  had  signed,  was  repeated 
against  him.  He  was  arrested,  and  tried  by  the 
Court  of  Virginia,  found  guilty,  and  sentenced,  but 
Governor  Walker,  of  Virginia,  would  not  see  this 
noble  man  go  to  the  penitentiary,  and  therefore 
pardoned  him.  After  this  he  took  his  departure 
from  Virginia,  the  scene  of  trial  and  persecution. 
It  should  be  understood  here,  that  the  colored  peo- 
ple did  not  desert  Mr.  Cahoone,  but  supported  him 
to  the  last,  and  many  suffered  with  him.  I  was  per- 
sonally acquainted  with  one  man  who  was  shot.  I 
myself  visited  him  while  he  was  in  jail,  and  heard 
him,  with  tears  in  his  eyes,  speak  of  the  sad  disap- 
pointment of  justice  and  cruel  treatment  he  had 
received  at  the  hands  of  the  southern  white  people. 

In  beginning  this  chapter,  and  speaking  of  my 
advent  in  Richmond,  I  referred  to  the  condition  of 
the  people  generally  as  I  found  them.  How  the 
soldiers  were  passing  and  repassing  for  days  and 
weeks.  In  this  connection  I  wanted  to  say,  that 
one  of  the  chief  divisions  was  General  Sherman's. 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


It  was  a  wonderful  sight  to  see  this  army  passing 
for  three  long  days,  and  colored  people  standing  in 
the  streets  with  buckets  of  water  to  refresh  them  as 
they  passed.  White  and  colored  people  alike  were 
surprised  to  see  so  many  "Yankees,"  and  they  com- 
monly remarked,  "Where  did  they  come  from? 
They  must  come  from  under  the  ground." 

Also,  I  want  to  emphasize  another  point  in  con- 
nection with  this  early  state  of  affairs  ;  and  that  is, 
the  ideas  that  many  of  the  freedmen  had  relative  to 
the  new  state  of  things.  The  current  view  among 
many,  directly  after  the  war  was,  that  they  would 
receive  so  much  land  from  the  government  to  help 
them  in  the  new  life.  This  opinion  seemed  reason- 
able, and  was  shared  by  many.  But  imagine  their 
disappointment  when  they  were  told  frankly  that 
the  government  had  no  such  intentions  as  they 
entertained.  Well  do  I  remember  the  impression 
made  on  the  people  when  Senator  Henry  Wilson, 
on  his  visit  to  Richmond,  and  at  the  invitation  of 
the  colored  delegation,  answered  this  question. 
The  kind  Senator  did  not  leave  them  without  some 
good  advice.  They  were  not  looking  for  advice, 
however,  but  land  to  plant  corn  and  potatoes,  for 
their  wives  and  children.  The  condition,  as  I  have 
intimated,  of  these  people  was  deplorable.  Instead 
of  forty  acres  and  a  mule,  they  had  to  return  to 
their  former  masters  barefooted,  and  hat  in  hand, 
and  ask  permission  to  work  for  "victuals  and 
clothes".    WThen  this  part  of  the  freedman's  condi- 


70 


SLAVE  CABIN -TO  PULPIT. 


tion  is  considered  rightfully  there  will  be  an  oppor- 
tunity for  regrets  and  tears  of  repentance.  Is  there 
a  case  in  all  history,  that  can  be  compared  with  this, 
where  over  four  millions  of  people,  ignorant  and 
empty-handed,  are  turned  loose  into  the  world  to 
seek  for  themselves  homes  in  the  face  of  every  pos- 
sible disadvantage  ? 

During  the  time  Pierpont  was  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia, a  report  came  from  Chester  County,  that  the 
Negroes  in  that  vicinity  were  in  a  state  of  insurrec- 
tion, and  that  they  were  about  to  rise  up  and  kill  all 
the  white  people  in  that  section.  I  was  acquainted 
with  the  governor  through  my  letter  of  introduction 
from  Governor  Andrew. 

As  there  was  considerable  talk  about  this  upris- 
ing, Mr.  Pierpont  requested  my  views  on  the  subject. 
I  informed  him  that  I  was  in  a  position  to  know,  if 
there  was  anything  of  the  kind,  but  did  not  believe 
that  there  was  a  word  of  truth  in  the  report ;  but 
that  it  was  rather  a  pretext  gotten  up  on  the  part  of 
the  whites  to  murder  the  colored  people.  The  gov- 
ernor paid  no  attention  to  the  rumor,  by  sending 
militia,  and  there  was  no  riot.  A  few  colored  men 
were  out  hunting  rabits,  and  the  whites  cried, 
"Negro  uprising." 

This  is  a  good  illustration  of  many  reported  upris- 
ings among  the  colored  people  of  the  South.  Usu- 
ally these  reports  originated  among  the  white  and  not 
the  colored  people.  This  is  one  of  the  sham  tricks 
of  the  South,  to  get  up  a  Negro  riot,  call  out  the 


/.V  A   Tin  G  IS 1  A  P  VIP  IT. 


n 


militia  or  the  citizens  in  arms  to  butcher  the  blacks, 
for  the  purpose  of  keeping  them  in  their  places,  as 
they  say. 

Of  course  there  are  good  white  people  in  the 
South,  who  took  no  part  in  these  cruel  outrages 
against  the  colored  people.  But  they  are  to  be  criti- 
cised because  they  do  not  condemn  them. 

Every  community  is  held  responsible  that  permits 
one  class  of  its  citizens  to  outrage  another  class 
with  impunity. 

Hundreds  of  colored  people  in  the  South,  since 
emancipation,  have  been  whipped  to  death,  lynched, 
and  burned  alive,  until  the  question  is  asked,  and 
asked  rightfully,  "  Is  the  South  civilized?" 

What  Thomas  Jefferson  said  about  slavery,  so  I 
repeat  in  substance,  relative  to  the  persecution  of 
my  people:  "I  tremble  for  my  country  when  I  think 
that  God  is  just." 

While  speaking  on  this  subject  of  southern  out- 
rages, permit  me  to  say  this  also  :  that  I  believe 
much  responsibility  rests  on  the  North  in  regard  to 
this  whole  matter.  The  North  should  not  be  con- 
tent as  long  as  one  man  is  oppressed,  and  his  rights 
disregarded.  If  she  is  inclined  to  be  negligent  in 
this  matter,  let  her  remember  the  two  hundred 
thousand  colored  soldiers  who  died  in  the  defence  of 
the  Union,  and  the  multitudes  of  white  soldiers 
who  were  saved  from  death-traps,  and  starvation,  by 
the  hands  of  the  poor  slave. 

The  covenant  that  General  B.  F.  Butler  made 


72 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


with  himself  when  he  walked  among  so  many  dead 
and  brave  black  soldiers,  should  be  the  sentiment  of 
the  whole  North ;  never  to  forget  them,  or  be 
untrue. 

During  my  stay  in  Richmond  as  pastor  and  carry- 
ing on  special  work  among  the  freedmen,  it  was 
my  privilege  to  meet  several  of  the  most  prom- 
inent men.  Among  these  was  Judge  John  C. 
Underwood,  of  the  United  States  District  Court. 

He  was  a  good,  kind-hearted  man,  and  took  much 
interest  in  the  colored  people.  Often  I  had  to  con- 
sult with  him  about  local  matters.  On  one  occa- 
sion he  sent  for  me,  and  I  was  to  meet  him  at  his 
boarding-place,  which  was  the  Spots  Woods  Hotel, 
the  most  popular  hotel  in  the  city.  I  called  at  the 
hotel,  entered  the  bar-room,  and  enquired  for  him  of 
the  bar-keeper,  but  he  made  no  reply  to  my  direct 
question.  Finally  he  said,  "If  you  take  off  your  hat 
I'll  answer  you."  I  had  just  returned  from  Boston, 
and  had  on  a  new  beaver  hat.  "  Why,  sir,"  said 
I,  a  little  indignant  at  his  gruff  remark,  "take 
off  my  hat  in  a  bar-room  !  The  other  gentlemen  have 
on  their  hats,  and  they  do  not  look  half  as  good  as 
mine."  His  blunt  reply  was,  "But  neggers  take  off 
theirs."    "I  am  a  gentleman,  sir,"  said  I. 

The  gentleman  behind  the  bar  ordered  me  out, 
and  if  I  had  not  obeyed  he  would  have  had  me  and 
my  new  silk  hat  out  on  the  sidewalk,  upside  down, 
and  I  couldn't  have  helped  myself.  The  good  judge 
was  provoked  when  he  heard  of  the  occurrence. 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


73 


But  this  was  Richmond,  and  not  Boston.  Before  I 
left  Richmond  I  saw  this  hotel  in  ashes,  and  its  bare 
walls  standing  white  against  the  sun.  When  I  saw 
this,  it  was  natural  for  me  to  think  of  the  insult  I 
received  there,  but  with  no  malice  in  my  heart,  for 
I  pitied  and  felt  sorry  for  the  poor  drunken 
set,  caught  there  on  that  fatal  night,  and  whose 
bodies  furnished  fuel  for  the  flames.  Fifteen  or 
more  bodies  were  found  in  the  ruins  beyond 
identification. 

Here  we  were  brought  face  to  face  with  the  great 
evil  of  intemperance.  And  also  the  fact  that  the 
popular  hotel  is  often  the  source  and  the  end  of  the 
evil.  The  sight  of  that  fire  haunts  me  now  as  I 
think  of  those  human  beings,  standing  at  the  win- 
dows crying  for  help  and  no  one  able  to  help  them. 

The  Rev.  Dr.  Dickenson,  D.  D.,  editor  of  the 
Religious  Herald,  was  also  another  man  of  note, 
that  I  met  while  in  Richmond.  Soon  after  my 
arrival,  I  called  on  him  in  company  with  a  friend, 
who  introduced  me  as  a  preacher  from  Boston.  At 
that  time  the  mention  of  the  name  Boston  was  suffi- 
cient to  stir  the  iron  in  any  southern  white  man's 
blood.  For  she  had  taken  the  lead  in  the  anti- 
slavery  struggles  and  was  the  first  to '  raise  her 
hand  against  the  Rebellion.  So,  naturally,  he 
expressed  himself  quite  forcibly  in  regard  to  the 
Massachusetts  people,  and  his  general  views  on  the 
subject  of  slavery  from  the  southern  stand-point.  I 
endeavored  to  keep  my  voice  under,  being  reminded 


74 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


of  that  scripture  which  said:  "A  soft  answer  turn- 
eth  away  wrath,  but  grievous  words  stir  up  anger." 
The  doctor  felt  that  the  North  had  committed  the 
unpardonable  sin,  and  there  was  no  forgiveness  for 
them.  When  I  met  him  again,  it  was  in  Boston,  at 
a  minister's  conference.  In  addressing  the  confer- 
ence, he  said  in  substance,  that  it  was  a  great  bless- 
ing to  the  South  that  slavery  was  abolished,  and  it 
was  worth  all  it  had  to  pay  for  it,  of  blood  and  treas- 
ure. He  also  intimated  that  he  would  help  to  lift 
up  the  Negro.  I  had  the  pleasure  of  speaking  after 
him,  and  referred  to  our  first  meeting  in  Richmond, 
but  did  not  allude  to  his  views  at  that  time.  I 
was  glad  to  see  that  he  was  a  converted  man,  and 
was  able  to  look  at  things  in  a  new  light. 

Dr.  Jeter  was  another  popular  and  very  distin- 
guished personage  in  and  about  Richmond.  He 
was  a  good  preacher  and  theologian.  I  became 
acquainted  with  him  in  my  early  ministry  at  the 
Ebenezer  church.  He  used  to  drop  in  occasionally 
to  hear  me  preach,  and  would  sit  right  in  front  of 
me  where  he  could  see  and  nod  his  head  to  all  with 
which  he  assented.  After  hearing  me  on  one  occa- 
sion he  made  the  remark,  that  I  was  as  good  a  col- 
ored preacher  as  he  ever- heard,  and  he  was  proud  of 
me,  because  I  was  born  in  Virginia.  I  suppose 
every  man  should  be  proud  of  his  birth-place.  I  am 
grateful  for  all  the  good  that  Virginia  has  done  me ; 
but  I  cannot  boast  very  much  in  this  direction, 
when  I  remember  that  her  laws  forbade  me  to  read 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


the  Bible.  I  feel  more  indebted  to  Massachusetts 
for  what  I  am  than  I  do  to  Virginia. 

I  had  to  flee  from  my  natural  mother,  Virginia, 
and  seek  protection  under  my  adopted  mother. 
Massachusetts.  I  think  I  love  my  adopted  mother 
the  best. 

In  conversation  with  Dr.  Jeter  on  the  subject  of 
slavery,  he  once  remarked,  that  he  believed  slav- 
ery to  be  right  and  a  divine  institution,  because  the 
Bible  supported  it.  He  was  not  particular  in  quot- 
ing that  passage,  that  God  had  made  of  one  blood 
all  the  nations  of  the  earth,  or  where  Christ  teaches, 
"  that  we  must  do  unto  our  neighbors  as  we  would 
have  them  do  unto  us." 

While  he  maintained  these  views  and  endeavored 
to  support  them  by  scripture,  yet  he  said,  "I  hope  I 
am  wrong  in  my  views."  I  did  not  understand  why 
he  should  make  such  a  remark,  unless  it  was  that  he 
felt  the  compunctions  of  conscience. 

I  was  informed  that  when  the  Union  soldiers  were 
approaching  Richmond,  the  good  doctor  intimated 
his  willingness  to  go  out  and  fight  the  Yankees. 
He  put  on  his  confederate  armor  and  went  forth, 
but  he  did  not  get  near  enough  for  anyone  to  hurt 
him,  or  he  to  hurt  anyone  else.  The  doctor  was 
tall  and  thin,  and  had  very  good  legs  for  running. 
So  while  he  was  a  good  preacher  and  theologian, 
and  believed  in  slavery  as  a  divine  institution,  yet  he 
was  a  poor  soldier.  His  position  reminds  me  of 
the  quaker  in  the  duel.    As  the  opponents  had  to 


76 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


choose  weapons,  the  Quaker  selected  as  his,  a  long- 
range  rifle,  and  his  antagonist  pistols.  In  approach- 
ing each  other  the  Quaker  said,  "  Stand  thou  there, 
for  thou  art  near  enough  for  me  to  hit  thee."  The 
other  man  withdrew,  fearing  that  while  the  Quaker 
was  near  enough  with  his  rifle,  he  was  not  near 
enough  with  his  pistol.  So  the  doctor  doubtless 
found  the  Yankees'  guns  too  long  and  effectual  for 
him  to  face. 

Rev.  R.  Riland,  D.  D.,  was  another  important 
character  whom  I  wish  to  mention  in  this  connection. 
He  was  the  pastor  of  what  was  known  as  the  Old 
African  Baptist  Church,  of  Richmond.  The  mem- 
bership of  this  church  was  all  colored  people,  and 
was  reported  to  be  between  three  and  four  thousand. 
Mr  Riland  was  the  white  pastor  over  this  colored 
flock.  In  the  days  of  slavery  the  colored  pastor 
was  unknown,  the  spiritual  adviser  and  teacher 
was  always  a  white  man.  There  were  colored 
exhorters  and  class  leaders,  but  the  boss  preacher 
was  always  white.  My  first  meeting  of  Dr.  Riland 
was  in  the  First  African  Church.  I  was  introduced 
as  the  pastor  of  the  Ebenezer  Baptist  Church ;  after 
the  introduction  I  noticed  he  wanted  to  say  some- 
thing, so  I  commenced  the  conversation  by  asking 
him  how  many  persons  he  thought  the  edifice 
would  hold.  "About  fifteen  hundred,"  was  his 
answer.  I  expressed  surprise,  and  asked  him  how 
it  was  that  the  reported  membership  was  so  large 
and  the  seating  capacity  so  small.    He  thought  I 


IN  A  VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


77 


was  a  northern  man,  bred  and  born,  and  went  on  to 
explain  that  a  large  number  of  his  congregation  had 
gone  South  —  meaning,  of  course,  that  they  were 
sold  in  slavery. 

He  proceeded,  also,  to  tell  how  mild  the  form  of 
slavery  was  in  Virginia,  compared  with  other  parts 
of  the  South,  supposing  I  knew  nothing  of  it.  I 
made  a  long  sigh,  and  remarked  that  if  Hell  was  any 
worse  than  slavery  in  Virginia,  I  did  not  want  to  go 
there.  "Why,"  said  he,  "what  do  you  mean?"  I 
repeated  again,  and  said  that  what  I  meant  was, 
that  slavery  was  a  torment  in  Virginia.  I  then  pro- 
ceeded to  tell  him  that  I  was  a  Virginian  by  birth,  and 
had  lived  for  years  within  her  borders  and  tasted 
much  of  the  bitter  cup  of  slavery,  and  also  showed 
him  just  what  the  true  relation  between  the  master 
and  the  slave  was.  When  I  got  through  he  had  but 
very  little  to  say  on  the  subject. 

When  David  saw  a  bear  or  lion  in  his  flock,  he 
rose  up  and  slew  it.  The  lions  and  bears  of  slavery 
entered  Dr.  Riland's  flock  more  than  once,  and 
took  away  his  lambs ;  but  he  never  was  known  to 
complain,  or  to  make  a  single  protest.  How  he 
will  explain  and  settle  this  matter  with  the  great 
Shepherd  and  Bishop  of  souls,  I  cannot  now  say. 
Yet  it  is  not  my  purpose  to  sit  in  judgment  upon 
him,  for  he  had  many  good  characteristics,  and  I  had 
a  good  chance. to  learn  of  them,  for  I  was  a  pupil 
under  him  in  Dr.  Colvers  school. 

This  school  was  established  at  the  close  of  the 


78  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 

war  for  the  benefit  of  the  colored  ministers,  and 
Nathaniel  Colver,  D.  D.,  former  pastor  of  Tremont 
Temple,  Boston,  was  the  President. 

Mr.  Riland  was  employed  in  this  school  because 
of  his  long  intimate  relation  with  the  colored  people 
as  pastor.  He  was  kind  and  patient,  and  a  good 
biblical  scholar,  and  as  students  we  all  loved  him, 
regardless  of  his  slave-holding  proclivities. 

One  remarkable  thing  about  this  school  was,  it 
was  held  in  what  was  known  as  "Lumpkins  Jail". 
This  at  one  time  was  the  greatest  slave  market  in  the 
world.  Virginia  furnished  most  of  the  slaves  for  the 
other  Southern  States,  and  this  was  the  great  place 
where  they  were  sold  on  the  auction  block  to  the 
highest  bidder.  The  groans  and  expressions  of  sor- 
row, that  used  to  go  up  from  this  accursed  spot,  when 
husbands  and  wives,  parents  and  children,  were  sep- 
arated never  more  to  meet,  cannot  be  described  by 
tongue  or  pen. 

How  fitting  it  was  that  a  school  for  the  instruction 
of  the  freedmen,  and  especially  the  Christian  minis- 
try, should  be  erected,  and  occupy  this  place;  veri- 
fying that  scripture,  that  God  makes  even  the  wrath 
of  men  to  praise  him. 

Let  me  recall,  also,  two  other  characters  I  met  in 
Richmond  during  my  stay  there  ;  though  they  are 
not  as  distinguished  as  those  I  have  mentioned,  yet 
they  have  left  upon  me  as  strong  an  impression  as 
any. 

The  first  of  these  two  that  I  desire  to  speak  of,  is 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


79 


Uncle  Phil.  Jones.  It  was  over  sixteen  years  since  I 
had  seen  him,  on  the  old  plantation  in  the  days  of 
cruel  slavery.  I  had  left  the  South  for  the  North, 
in  order  to  obtain  my  freedom  ;  now,  I  had  returned 
as  a  teacher  and  preacher  of  glad  tidings.  Uncle 
Phil.  Jones  had  known  me  from  childhood,  and 
naturally  enough  when  he  heard  of  me  in  Richmond 
his  great  joy  was  to  see  me  and  take  me  by  the 
hand.  I  shall  never  forget  that  meeting,  as  the  old 
man  approached  me  with  head  white  as  cotton, 
tottering  feet  and  trembling  hand. 

"Why,  Peter!  is  this  you?  Praise  the  Lord 
that  I  have  lived  to  see  the  day." 

Then  he  burst  into  tears  and  sobs.  It  was  an 
effecting  scene.  Poor  old  man,  time  and  slavery 
had  dealt  hard  with  him,  and  left  the  visible  marks. 
I,  myself,  had  seen  this  old  man's  back  literally  fur- 
rowed by  the  overseer's  lash,  and  washed  in  salt 
water  to  preserve  it,  and  keep  away  the  flies. 

And  now,  like  a  horse  that  has  been  worked  nearly 
to  death  for  all  that  he  is  worth,  until  he  becomes 
old,  crippled  and  poor,  this  poor  old  man  is  turned 
loose  without  corn  or  fodder,  on  the  cold  charities 
of  the  world.  Who  are  to  blame  for  his  destitute 
condition,  himself,  his  parents,  or  those  who  have 
driven  him  until  they  could  drive  him  no  longer  ? 

In  connection  with  Uncle  Phil.  Jones,  I  may  also, 
relate  that  I  met  in  Richmond,  his  master,  William 
B.  Harrison.  This  is  the  same  man  who  was  men- 
tioned in  my  little  book  on  slave  life,  as  helping  the 


80 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


sixty-six  in  obtaining  our  freedom.  Though  ho  was 
by  no  means  an  angel  toward  his  own  slaves,  yet  he 
was  friendly  and  kind  toward  us  in  securing  our 
rights.  I  called  on  Mr.  Harrison  in  Richmond.  He 
seemed  glad  to  see  me,  and  had  much  to  say  about 
the  unjust  treatment  we  received  at  the  hands  of 
the  lawyer  and  the  executors.  But  he,  too,  like 
Phil.  Jones,  had  experienced  a  great  change.  He 
was  not  the  William  B.  Harrison  that  once  I  knew 
on  the  James  River,  with  his  well-stocked  plantation 
and  over  a  hundred  slaves.  These  all,  like  a 
dream  of  the  night,  had  suddenly  vanished  from  his 
gaze.  He  was  a  great  enemy  of  the  North  and 
fought  for  all  he  was  worth,  and  in  return  the 
Yankees  spared  neither  him  nor  his  chickens. 

I  met,  also,  William  Allen,  better  known  as  Major 
Allen.  He  was  a  wealthy  nephew  of  my  master, 
who  raised  and  equipped  a  southern  regiment  for 
the  rebellion.  He  invited  me  to  see  him,  and  was 
pleased  to  tell  his  friends  that  I  had  been  a  servant 
in  his  family.  I  do  not  know  why  he  took  so  much 
pleasure  in  mentioning  it.  I  cannot  say  that  I  was 
ashamed  of  what  happened  to  be  my  misfortune. 
Joseph  was  a  servant  in  Egypt,  but  in  due  time  his 
position  was  changed  and  he  was  a  blessing  to  all 
succeeding  generations.  The  Major  had  obtained 
his  wealth  from  Colonel  William  Allen,  the  owner  of 
the  celebrated  "Clearmount  Plantation,"  on  the 
James  River,  who  was  estimated  to  own  nearly  a 
thousand  slaves.  m 


IN  A   VIE G INI A  PULPIT. 


81 


"  Old  Joe  Mayo,"  as  he  was  commonly  called  by 
the  colored  people  of  Richmond,  also  deserves  men- 
tion in  these  brief  records.  The  colored  people 
looked  upon  him  as  their  Nero,  a  man  without  a 
heart.  He  was  a  tobacco  manufacturer,  making  the 
famous  Virginia  Navy  Brand.  He  was  the  mayor 
of  the  city  when  Richmond  surrendered  to  the 
Union  forces. 

He  had  made  his  boast,  however,  that  before  he 
would  surrender  he  would  ride  in  blood  up  to  his 
saddle.  This  statement  is  something  like  that  made 
by  the  boy  who  said  he  was  going  to  curse  his  mas- 
ter; he  went  to  the  big  gate  and  cursed  his  master, 
but  at  the  time  his  master  was  miles  away.  The 
Yankees  were  miles  away  when  Mr.  Mayo  made 
this  remark,  but  when  they  got  to  the  gates  of 
Richmond,  he  was  among  the  first  to  flee  for  safety. 
Doubtless,  he  changed  his  mind  and  thought  that 
discretion  was  the  better  part  of  valor. 

I  was  told  by  one  who  knew  from  bitter  experi- 
ence, that  when  Mr.  Mayo  became  mayor  of  the 
city  he  gave  it  out,  that  he  had  a  whipping  for 
"every  negger  in  town".  It  was  his  law  that  every 
colored  person  who  was  caught  on  the  streets  with- 
out a  pass,  was  to  be  sent  to  the  jail  and  receive 
nine  and  thirty  lashes. 

This  public  whipping  in  the  jail  was  not  alto- 
getherlike a  circus  or  a  picnic  —  the  more  times  you 
went  to  it  the  more  you  wanted  to  go.  But  the 
opposite  was  true :  the  strongest  and  stoutest,  after 


82 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


they  had  embraced  the  whipping-post,  and  received 
what  was  for  them,  rarely  cared  to  visit  that  place 
again.  A  colored  woman  with  her  child  in  her  arms 
was  on  the  streets  without  a  pass  ;  it  is  said  that 
Mr.  Mayo  slapped  the  child's  face  and  sent  the 
woman  to  the  whipping-post,  thereby,  verifying 
his  statement,  that  he  had  a  whipping  for  every 
"  negger  in  town  ". 

There  was  a  time  when  Nero  no  longer  sat  on 
the  throne  with  undisputed  sway ;  his  sceptre  of 
power  had  departed.  So  with  Mr.  Mayjfp  vvhen  I 
first  saw  him  in  Richmond.  His  finer'  jsidence, 
where  the  silver  had  been  buried  in  the  garden  — 
but  not  so  deep  that  the  Yankees  could  not  find  it  — 
was  occupied  by  General  Roberts,  and  Mr.  E.  D. 
Bean,  of  the  New  Hampshire  second  Regiment.  As 
I  beheld  him,  he  excited  my  sympathy  and  pity ; 
and  I  was  reminded  of  the  words  of  the  sacred  poet : 
"O  Lucifer,  thou  Son  of  the  morning,  how  hast  thou 
fallen."  Yes,  and  fallen  never  to  rise  again.  The 
old  man  died  and  was  buried.  But  the  colored 
people  looked  on  his  grave  without  a  tear,  and 
though  there  was  no  epitaph  written  on  his  tomb- 
stone, they  could  easily  supply  it  by  saying : 

"  Here  lies  '  old  Joe  Mayo '  in  his  grave  dead, 
Often  he  whipped  us  till  we  bled. 
He  will  send  us  no  more  to  the  whipping-post, 
For  he  has  gone  to  join  the  silent  host. 
To  the  judgment  seat  he  must  come 
To  give  account  for  the  deeds  he  has  done." 


IK  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


83 


Doubtless  my  readers  will  be  pleased  to  hear 
something  about  the  first  political  meeting  I 
attended  after  the  war,  in  Richmond.  There  was 
much  excitement  about  this  time,  for  the  smell  of 
powder  was  still  in  the  air.  A  meeting  was  called 
by  the  Union  people  —  including,  of  course,  the 
colored  —  to  consider  plans  for  a  new  constitution. 
The  big  meeting  was  in  the  capitol,  the  late  seat  of 
the  head  of  the  Confederacy.  This  was  sacred 
ground  made  hallowed  because  of  the  distinguished 
Virginians  and  statesmen  who  had  stood  there.  It 
was  a  thing  unknown  for  a  colored  man  to  stand  in 
those  halls  and  on  those  steps  to  mingle  his  voice 
with  the  great  men  of  the  past. 

He  was  known  to  tread  upon  those  sacred  pre- 
cincts, only  as  a  slave  and  servant,  and  never  as  a 
man  advocating  the  rights  of  man.  I  took  my  place 
at  the  head  of  the  big  steps  with  the  white  Union 
men.  My  colored  friends  thought  I  was  running  a 
great  risk  by  making  myself  so  conspicuous  when  it 
was  known  that  I  came  from  Boston.  I  must  con- 
fess that  I  did  feel  a  little  weak  in  the  knees,  for  I 
did  not  know  at  what  time  a  stray  bullet  might  come 
my  way,  and  rebuke  me  for  daring  to  occupy  a  posi- 
tion that  no  other  colored  man  had  assumed.  Fin- 
ally I  was  called  upon  to  address  the  assembly.  I 
need  not  say  there  was  silence,  for  all  eyes  were 
turned  toward  me,  and  they  were  anxious  to  hear 
what  the  colored  man  had  to  say. 

I  began  my  remarks,  by  saying  that  I  was  a  Vir- 


84 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


ginian  by  birth,  and  only  a  son  of  Massachusetts  by 
adoption  ;  that  I  had  to  leave  Virginia  to  obtain  and 
enjoy  my  freedom,  and  I  had  returned  for  the  pur- 
pose of  helping  to  build  up  my  native  state,  so  that 
she  might  form  an  important  link  in  the  great  bond  of 
Union.  When  the  whites  heard  I  was  born  in  Vir- 
ginia they  seemed  more  anxious  to  hear  me.  I  con- 
tinued further  by  saying,  that  what  we  the  colored 
people  wanted,  was  money  and  education,  so  that  we 
could  own  railroads  and  steamboats.  And  that  when 
we  came  in  possession  of  these  we  would  have  the 
white  people  to  ride  beside  us  and  not  behind  us. 
When  the  meeting  was  over  several  of  the  local 
whites  congratulated  me,  and  offered  to  treat  me  with 
cigars,  and  so  forth,  but  I  politely  declined. 

It  has  been  over  a  quarter  of  a  century  since  I 
in  a  jocose  manner  made  this  brief  allusion  to  the 
needs  of  the  colored  people.  And  this  same  idea 
might  be  emphasized  to-day  with  greater  earnestness 
and  sincerity.  My  brethren  in  the  South  to-day,  are 
dying  by  the  wholesale  for  the  want  of  the  necessi- 
ties and  comforts  of  life,  and  this  is  due  to  the  fact 
that  they  have  not  been  educated  to  provide  for 
themselves. 

Give  them  education  and  money,  and  many  of  the 
unpleasant  phases  that  now  exist  relative  to  the  Negro 
would  be  unknown.  Those  few  who,  by  hard  strug- 
gle and  opposition,  have  acquired  education  and 
money,  are  better  respected  by  the  whites.  This  is 
true  in  the  church,  and  all  the  avenues  of  life. 


IN  A   VIRGINIA  PULPIT. 


85 


A  brief  incident  to  illustrate  this  fact  may  be  in 
order  here. 

A  story  is  related  of  a  prominent  New  York  lay- 
man, who  invited  a  colored  merchant  to  his  church 
and  a  seat  in  his  pew.  When  this  black  cloud 
entered  the  church  the  true  spirit  of  worship,  for 
the  time  being,  seemed  to  have  taken  its  flight. 
The  congregation  could  not  worship  in  the  spirit  on 
account  of  the  presence  of  this  dark  intruder.  The 
minister  was  hindered  in  his  discourse  because  he 
saw  that  his  congregation  was  offended. 

At  the  close  of  the  service  the  offending  member 
was  reproved  by  another  for  bringing  this  dark 
stranger  into  his  pew.  The  layman  defended  him- 
self by  replying  that  the  stranger  was  a  Christian  and 
an  educated  man.  "  Xo  matter,"  was  the  reply, 
"he  is  a  Negro,  and  let  him  go  to  his  own 
church." 

"But  he  is  a  rich  Negro,  and  has  arrived  with  a 
valuable  cargo,"  continued  the  merchant.  "Indeed," 
said  the  fault-finding  brother;  "give  me  an  introduc- 
tion." The  moment  he  said  rich  Negro  that  was  a 
horse  of  another  color,  and  sufficient  to  cause  a 
change  of  opinion.  So  I  repeat,  give  the  colored 
man  monev  and  education  and  he  will  be  recognized 
the  world  over. 

In  speaking  of  the  causes  which  lead  to  the  igno- 
rant and  degrading  condition  of  the  colored  people  in 
this  country,  I  think  I  can  safely  say  that  they  them- 
selves are  not  wholly  responsible.     For  they  have 


SO 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


lived  for  centuries  in  a  country  rich  in  resources; 
through  their  sweat  and  blood  others  have  become 
rich  and  powerful,  but  they  poor  and  weak.  As  the 
whole  country  aided  in  the  oppression,  the  whole 
country  is  partly  responsible  for  their  present 
condition. 


RELIGIOUS  CONDITION. 


87 


CHAPTER  VII. 

RELIGIOUS  CONDITION. 


N  the  previous  chapter  I  spoke  more  directly 
concerning  the  political  and  social  environ- 
ments of  the  colored  people  in  Richmond, 
as  I  found  them  at  the  close  of  the  war.  In  this 
chapter  I  wish  to  speak  more  definitely  concerning 
their  religious  condition.  I  arrived  in  Richmond 
twenty-five  days  after  the  surrender,  and  was  there 
only  two  weeks  when  I  was  invited  to  assume 
the  pastorate  of  the  Ebenezer  Baptist  Church.  I 
accepted  the  same  for  three  months'  trial,  and  at 
the  expiration  of  that  time  was  duly  called  as  the 
regular  pastor.  This  was  at  the  beginning  of  an 
important  era  in  the  religious  history  of  the  colored 
people. 

This  church,  as  well  as  others  through  the  South, 
had  never  had  a  colored  pastor.  He  who  was  con- 
sidered the  under-Shepherd  and  was  expected  to  lead 
his  flock  into  the  green  pastures,  and  beside  the  still 
waters,  was  always  white.  Why  the  colored  people 
should  now  change  their  old  pastors  for  new  ones, 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


may  be  more  easily  imagined  than  described.  But 
this  must  be  said,  that  the  colored  people  as  a  whole, 
had  but  little  confidence  and  faith  in  their  white 
pastors  as  religious  leaders.  They  rather  looked 
upon  them  as  parts  of  the  machinery  that  belonged 
to  slavery,  and  regarded  them  more  as  religious 
bosses,  whose  duty  it  was  to  keep  them  in  their 
places  by  persuading  them  to  be  contented  with  their 
present  lot  and  obey  their  masters  in  the  flesh,  for 
such  was  well  pleasing  to  God.  Now  they  were  free 
and  had  a  voice  in  selecting  their  pastor,  it  is  not 
unreasonable  to  suppose,  that  they  wanted  a  pastor 
who  could  sympathize  with  them  in  their  afflictions, 
and  remember  the  bondman  as  bound  with  him. 
They  wanted  one  who  could  preach  without  fear, 
not  only  on  obedience  but  on  love,  the  Fatherhood 
of  God,  and  the  Brotherhood  of  man,  and  how  Christ 
came  to  deliver  the  captive,  and  set  the  bondman 
free.  On  such  topics  as  the  foregoing  the  white 
pastor  always  had  to  touch  lightly,  for  fear  af  losing 
his  official  head. 

In  this  new  state  of  affairs  naturally  new  difficul- 
ties arose.  There  were  no  colored  preachers  educa- 
ted and  trained  in  the  South  for  this  important  trust 
and  responsibility.  Whatever  qualifications  I  had 
for  the  pastorate,  and  my  ideas  of  the  church  polity, 
had  all  been  received  in  the  North  and  not  from  the 
South. 

I  was  brought  immediately  face  to  face  with 
strange  customs  and  trying  difficulties. 


RELIGIOUS  CONDITION. 


I  found  th^tfthe  male  and  female  members  of  the 
church  were  not  allowed  to  sit  together  on  the 
same  side  of  the  church.  When  the  husband  and 
wife  entered  the  vestibule  of  the  church,  they  sep- 
arated, the  husband  going  in  at  one  door  to  his  side 
of  the  house,  and  the  wife  going  in  at  another  do  ir 
to  her  side  of  the  house.  Likewise  the  mother  and 
son,  the  bridal  couple,  the  lover  and  the  loved,  all 
had  to  conform  to  this  rule.  I  condemned  and 
ridiculed  such  a  custom  as  a  relic  of  slavery,  \n\d 
soon  had  the  families  sitting  together,  arro^the 
young  men  with  the  young  ladies  whom  they 
accompanied  to  church. 

This  was  a  new  state  of  things,  and  soon  my 
church  was  named  the  "  aristocratic  church  ". 

The  women  were  allowed  no  part  in  the  church 
meetings.  I  tried  to  show  that  the  women  bore  the 
greater  part  of  the  burden  and  expenses  of  the 
church,  and  as  members  they  were  entitled  to  recog- 
nition. Before  I  left  the  church  the  women  not 
only  had  a  voice,  but  voted  in  the  business  meetings. 

One  of  the  most  perplexing  difficulties  I  met  with 
at  the  beginning  of  my  religious  work  in  the  South 
was  the  " Marriage  Question".  Not  that  phase  of 
the  question  that  is  often  debated  —  "  Is  marriage  a 
failure?"  but  how  to  join  together  those  who  wanted 
to  be  joined  in  matrimony.  ^During  the  days  of 
slavery  slaves  were  married  according  to  the  state 
law,  but  lived  together  more  on  the  concubinage 
order." >The  husband  and  wife,  after  living  together 


90 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


long  enough  to  have  children,  were  often  separated 
and  sold  into  different  parts  of  the  South,  never  to 
see  each  other  again.  And  thus  separated  they 
were  encouraged  to  marry  again,  and  raise  children 
for  the  slave-market.  As  I  have  intimated,  Vir- 
ginia, and  Richmond  especially,  was  the  great  slave- 
market  that  furnished  the  majority  of  the  slaves  for 
the  rest  of  the  South. 

Now  that  freedom  had  been  proclaimed  through- 
out the  land,  hundreds  of  those  who  had  been  sep- 
arated returned  to  their  former  home.  But  they 
found  their  former  companions  married  again  — 
they  of  course  expecting  never  to  see  them  again. 
Now  here  came  the  difficulty  ;  as  the  marriage  of 
the  slaves  consisted  only  in  common  consent  among 
themselves  and  their  masters,  the  state  law  had 
nothing  to  do  with  it.  Therefore,  special  legislative 
enactment  had  to  be  made  to  meet  the  case ;  there- 
upon the  legislature  passed  a  law,  recognizing  all 
living  together  as  man  and  wife.  After  this  they 
had  to  be  married  according  to  the  state  law.  Just 
before  and  after  this  enactment  a  large  number 
came  to  me  to  be  married,  seven  and  eight  couples 
a  night. 

The  perplexing  part  was,  as  I  have  intimated, 
.to  determine  which  were  the  right  ones  to  marry. 
This  state  of  things  existed  not  only  in  Virginia,  but 
all  through  the  South.  There  was  great  need  of 
competent  pastors  to  meet  this,  and  other  phases  of 
religious  work.     Accordingly,   several  who  were 


RELIGIOUS  CONDITION. 


'.'1 


thought  to  be  fitted  for  the  work,  were  set  apart  and 
ordained  to  the  ministry  with  the  authority  to  marry, 
the  Freedman's  Bureau  granting  them  the  proper 
license  to  perform  the  ceremony.  I  might  here 
mention  a  few  of  the  many  who  were  at  that  time 
set  apart  for  the  work.  Rev.  Richard  Wells,  who 
succeeded  me  as  pastor  i  f  the  Ebenezer,  and  is  still 
pastor  at  this  writing;  Rev.  Fields  Cook,  Rev. 
Scott  Goffney,  Rev.  John  Jasper,  who  has  attracted 
the  attention  of  the  world  with  his  idea  that  the  sun 
moves  round  the  earth ;  Rev.  W.  Robinson,  Rev. 
John  White,  Rev.  Ned  Jentry,  Rev.  Jordan  Smith, 
and  others. 

These  men  have  had  good  records,  and  accom- 
plished much  for  their  race. 

I  must  say  that  my  work  at  the  Ebenezer  was  one 
of  joy  as  well  as  difficulty.  It  was  my  pleasure  to 
receive  many  into  the  church  by  baptism,  and  dur- 
ing my  four  and  one  half  years'  pastorate  to  see  the 
membership  increase  from  six  hundred,  to  fourteen 
hundred. 

During  my  stay  with  the  church  I  had  several  of 
my  white  friends  from  Boston,  Mass.,  to  visit 
me,  and  see  the  nature  of  the  work  I  was  doing. 
It  may  not  be  out  of  the  way  here  for  me  to  men- 
tion a  few  names  in  this  connection.  The  first 
is  that  of  Mr.  John  Lovett,  of  the  firm  of  James 
Lovett  &  Company.  Mr.  Lovett  was  much 
impressed  with  the  congregation ;  he  had  never 
looked  upon  such  an  assembly  as  he  faced  in  my 


92 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


church.  The  congregation  to  him  seemed  to  have 
the  appearance  of  Joseph's  coat,  conspicuous  for  its 
many  colors. 

He  afterward  inquired  about  this  peculiar  com- 
position of  the  audience,  and  wanted  to  know  if 
white  people  were  accustomed  to  attend  regularly  at 
the  church.  I  took  the  opportunity  to  inform  him 
that  the  people  whom  he  supposed  to  be  white  were 
not  white,  but  colored,  according  to  the  status  of  the 
South.  "Why,"  said  he,  "they  are  as  white  as  I 
am."  I  admitted  the  truth  of  his  statement,  but 
further  explained  by  saying,  that  the  condition  of 
the  colored  child  usually  followed  its  mother, 
regardless  of  the  white  parentage  ;  that  is  to  say,  if 
the  mother  was  considered  colored,  the  child  was 
considered  the  same,  though  the  father  was  white. 

This  same  gentleman  was  much  amused  with  a 
little  incident  that  happened  while  he  was  present. 
I  had  in  the  pulpit  with  me  a  brother  minister,  who 
was  overcome  by  the  heat  and  labor  of  the  day,  and 
was  inclined  to  fall  in  the  arms  of  sweet  sleep.  At 
intervals,  during  my  discourse,  I  would  put  my  hand 
on  this  brother  and  endeavor  to  arouse  him.  This 
seems  to  have  made  such  an  impression  on  my  friend 
Mr.  Lovett,  that  years  afterward,  he  would  joke  me 
about  it,  and  relate  the  same  to  his  friends. 

Mr.  Isaac  Fenno,  who  was  always  thoughtful  and 
kind  to  me,  and  assisted  me  in  my  work  among  the 
freedmen,  also  visited  Richmond  during  my  stay. 
On  the  occasion  of  his  visit  I  happened  to  preach  in 


RELIGIOUS  CONDITION. 


93 


the  Old  African,  or  better  known  now,  as  the  First 
Baptist  Church.  He  was  in  the  audience,  but  I  did 
not  know  it  until  I  was  through  my  discourse. 
When  I  spied  him  in  the  congregation  I  made  haste, 
like  Zacheus,  to  come  down  and  shake  him  by  the 
hand,  for  I  was  more  than  truly  glad  to  see  him 
there,  knowing  as  I  did,  the  deep  interest  he  had  in 
my  people.  The  hand-shake  he  gave  me  that  morn- 
ing was  valuable  as  well  as  warm  and  sympathetic, 
for  there  was  left  from  it  a  ten-dollar  print  in  my 
hand.  Such  hand-shakes  were  not  unwelcome  in 
those  days. 

Mr.  William  B.  Spooner,  of  whom  1  have  spoken 
before,  also  made  a  visit,  and  because  of  his  special 
interest  and  relation  to  the  work  among  the  freed- 
men,  made  a  good  report.  Messrs.  Walden  and 
Haskell,  the  well-known  tanners  of  Salem,  must  also 
be  mentioned  as  among  those  who  visited  Richmond 
and  inspected  the  nature  of  the  work  we  were  doing. 

These  gentlemen  I  have  spoken  of  had  more  than 
a  personal  curiosity  in  the  work  I  was  doing,  for  they 
had  aided  me  financially  in  prosecuting  the  same; 
and  the  visits  made  fully  satisfied  them  as  to  the 
merits  and  faithfulness  of  the  work. 


94 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


RELIGION  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR. 


WISH  to  speak  now  concerning  the  general 
religious  status  of  the  colored  people  at  the 
close  of  the  war,  and  their  relation  to  their 
white  brethren. 

During  the  heated  discussions  of  slavery  and  the 
war  conflict,  the  religious  denominations,  North  and 
South,  divided  on  the  subject  of  slavery,  the  north- 
ern brethren  believing  it  was  wrong  to  hold  slaves, 
the  southern  brethren  that  it  was  right.  The  col- 
ored people  at  this  time,  of  course,  had  no  religious 
rights  more  than  what  their  masters  allowed  them. 
But  now  by  the  shock  of  war  they  had  come  into 
possession  of  manhood  rights,  to  what  wing  of  the 
denomination  would  they  ally  themselves,  to  the 
southern  or  northern  ? 

At  the  close  of  the  war,  the  colored  Baptists 
found  that  the  southern  Baptists  had  formed  resolu- 
tions against  the  northern  Baptists,  and  desired  to 
have  no  communication  with  them.  At  the  same 
time  the  northern  brethren  were  doing  much  to 


RELIGION  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR.  95 


help  the  religious  life  of  the  colored  people.  The 
southern  Baptists  wanted  the  colored  brethren  to 
ally  themselves  with  them  ;  this  the  colored  brethren 
hesitated  to  do,  because  they  considered  the  north- 
ern brethren  their  friends. 

When  the  proposition  was  made  to  us  by  our  , 
white  brethren,  our  reply  was,  that  we  would  consent 
on  these  conditions:  First,  that  they  would  take 
back  all  they  had  claimed  and  said  against  the  Bap- 
tists of  the  North.  And  second,  that  they  would 
meet  us  as  Christian  brethren,  and  not  as  slaves. 
A  meeting  was  appointed,  for  both  white  and  col- 
ored, to  consider  the  suggestions. 

I  was  appointed  by  the  colored  brethren  to  repre- 
sent them.  And  Rev.  Mr.  Sands,  who  had  preached 
for  the  colored  people  in  Manchester,  to  represent 
the  whites.  The  said  Sands  was  not  only  a  preacher 
but  a  member  of  the  Virginia  Bar,  a  lawyer  by  pro- 
fession. 

We  met  in  one  of  the  churches  to  talk  the  mat- 
ter over.  His  opinion  was,  that  the  conditions  were 
too  strong. 

After  we  had  interchanged  views  on  the  subject, 
we  adjourned  to  meet  again  at  the  call  of  the  com- 
mittee. When  the  second  meeting  was  called,  Rev. 
Dr.  Burrows  spoke  for  the  same,  and  did  much  to 
persuade  the  colored  Baptists  to  affiliate  with  the 
white.  But  as  this  was  the  first  time  in  the  history 
of  the  colored  Baptists  that  we  had  had  to  make 
terms  we  were  inclined  to  hold  to  our  propositions. 


9f> 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


A  third  meeting  was  called,  in  which  my  old  friend, 
Dr.  Jeter,  spoke  for  the  white  brethren.  But  this 
meeting  was  similar  to  the  other  two,  as  far  as  the 
result  was  concerned,  for  the  colored  brethren  seemed 
fully  determined  as  before.  Finally,  the  white  breth- 
ren abandoned  the  attempt,  feeling,  if  not  express- 
ing it  in  words,  that  "  Ephraim  was  joined  to  his 
idols,"  the  northern  Baptists.  The  reasons  why  our 
white  brethren  wanted  us  to  affiliate  with  them,  I 
may  not  be  able  to  give ;  certainly,  they  were  very 
loud  in  declaring  that  we  had  no  men  who  were 
competent  and  fit  to  preach  and  to  act  as  pastors, 
but  experience  has  proven  the  contrary. 

I  think  I  voice  the  sentiment  of  my  brethren 
when  I  say,  that  we  chose  rather  to  grope  our  way 
in  the  dark,  than  to  have  thrust  upon  us  the  kind  of 
preachers  we  had  had  in  the  dark  days  of  slavery, 
men  who  could  neither  sympathize  with  us,  nor 
preach  us  the  full  Gospel.  Besides,  we  knew  that 
our  white  brethren  denied  our  manhood,  and  with 
their  own  hands  had  bought  and  sold  human  flesh. 
If  we  were  poor  and  ignorant  we  wanted  to  be 
consistent. 

I  recall  here  an  incident  that  will  help  to  illus- 
trate my  meaning.  About  the  time  of  which  I  am 
speaking,  a  northern  missionary  by  the  name  of 
John  Vassey,  offered  Dr.  Burrows  a  Bible  as  a  pres- 
ent. The  doctor  refused  it  because  of  his  feeling 
and  attitude  toward  the  North.  If  the  doctor, 
after  having  a  fair  fight  with  the  North,  refused  the 


RELIGION  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR.  97 


Bible  on  the  ground  of  consistency,  what  could  he 
have  expected  of  us,  the  colored  Baptists  who  hadn't 
a  half  of  a  chance  ? 

At  any  rate  we  felt  that  we  were  justified  in  com- 
ing out  and  forming  a  separate  organization. 

Accordingly,  a  convention  of  the  colored  Baptists 
of  Richmond  and  vicinity,  was  called,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  considering  plans  of  permanent  organization. 
The  meeting  convened  in  the  Ebenezer  Church,  of 
which  I  was  the  pastor,  and  formed  themselves  into 
what  is  known  as  the  Shiloh  Baptist  Association  of 
Virginia.  Your  humble  servant  was  chosen  as  the 
first  president,  and  John  Oliver,  the  secretary.  The 
said  John  Oliver  was  formerly  of  Boston,  but  went 
South  immediately  at  the  close  of  the  war,  and  ren- 
dered much  service  for  his  people.  I  am  proud  to 
say  that  this  Association  has  been  productive  of 
much  good  among  the  colored  Baptists  of  Virginia. 

The  question  may  be  asked,  how  was  I  treated  in 
Rich-mond  by  the  local  wrhite  people  during  my  stay 
there  of  nearly  five  years  ?  In  part  answer  to  such 
a  query  I  would  say,  that  I  was  treated  as  well  as 
could  be  expected  under  the  circumstances.  Of 
course  there  was  a  bitter  feeling  against  all  persons 
who  hailed  from  the  North,  whether  they  were  black 
or  white.  And  naturally,  I  came  in  for  my  share. 
Doubtless,  a  few  incidents  will  better  illustrate  this 
point,  than  I  can  describe  it  in  language. 

On  account  of  the  active  interest  I  took  in  my 
people,  there  were  some  who  were  inclined  to  look 


93 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


upon  me  as  a  kind  of  a  spy  in  behalf  of  the  govern- 
ment. Some  time  after  I  had  relinquished  my  work 
and  interest  in  the  courts,  I  was  asked  one  day  by  a 
local  white  gentleman,  how  much  I  had  received  for 
my  service  ?  When  I  answered  him,  nothing,  he 
further  remarked  that  "  Many  of  us  thought  you  were 
a  government  spy  sent  here  to  watch  us."  It  was  a 
duty  as  well  as  a  pleasure  for  me  to  correct  this  false 
impression. 

I  may  say  here,  that  once,  during  my  two  years' 
service  in  the  courts,  looking  after  the  interests  of 
the  colored  people,  I  did  receive  something  ;  but  not 
from  any  political  source.  It  happened  in  this  wise: 
A  poor  old  colored  woman  had  lost  her  husband  by 
death.  The  physician  who  attended  him  during  his 
illness,  sued  this  poor  widow  for  the  house  she 
lived  in  —  which  was  valued  at  five  hundred  dollars. 
She  engaged  a  lawyer  to  defend  her,  but  when  the 
case  was  called  the  lawyer  could  not  be  found.  I 
represented  her  before  the  judge,  and  her  house 
was  saved. 

This  old  woman  was  so  pleased  and  gratified  for 
what  I  had  done,  that  she  brought  me  two  dollars 
and  a  half  in  gold.  I  refused  it,  but  she  insisted 
that  I  should  take  it,  or  she  would  be  displeased. 
I  took  the  money;  and  that  is  the  only  compensa- 
tion that  I  ever  received  for  my  service  of  two 
years. 

For  a  while,  to  say  the  least,  the  white  South  had 
to  endure  the  presence  of  the  white  "  Yankees " ; 


RELIGION  AT  THE  CLOSE  OF  THE  WAR.  99 


but  the  black  or  "negger  Yankees"  they  did  not 
want  to  see,  or  come  in  contact  with. 

Once  I  called  at  a  lady's  residence  to  see  her  ser- 
vant, and  while  in  the  kitchen  the  lady  herself  came 
in.  And  the  cook  introduced  me  as  the  pastor  of 
one  of  the  colored  churches,  and  that  I  was  from 
the  North.  She  politely  recognized  me  and  intima- 
ted that  she  was  glad  to  see  me.  Then  at  once  she 
proceeded  to  speak  adversely  of  the  northern  peo- 
ple, by  saying  that  they  were  very  mean  and  stingy, 
while  the  southern  people  were  kind  and  liberal.  I 
remarked,  that  the  northern  people  had  to  work 
hard  for  their  money  and  they  were  careful  how 
they  used  it. 

She  extended  her  remarks  by  saying  that  she  had 
an  "old  Anty" — referring  to  an  old  colored  woman 
by  name — that  the  "Yankees"  had  set  free;  but 
now  she  was  poor  and  suffering  for  the  necessities 
of  life.  I  asked  her,  about  how  much  money  did 
she  think  this  colored  woman  to  whom  she 
referred,  had  earned  for  her  during  her  time  of 
enslavement.  "Well,"  said  she,  "likely  some  thou- 
sands." This  remark  caused  me  to  say:  "Then, 
madam,  she  is  entitled  to  her  earnings,  is  she  not  ?" 
She  expressed  herself  to  the  effect  that  she  believed 
the  colored  people  were  made  servants  for  the 
white  people. 

I  differed  with  her,  and  we  entered  into  a  discus- 
sion of  the  history  of  races;  she  was  kind  and  con- 
siderate in  her  address,  and  I  endeavored  to  be  the 


100  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


same.  And  thus  ended  our  meeting.  I  was 
informed  that  when  her  husband  came  home,  she 
told  him  that  a  "negger  Yankee"  had  been  in  her 
yard,  and  about  what  I  had  said  to  her.  He 
expressed  himself  as  being  indignant,  and  regretted 
that  he  was  not  present,  so  that  he  might  introduce 
me  to  the  toe  of  his  boot. 

Of  course  I  avoided  that  yard  in  the  future.  I 
must  say,  however,  that  I  was  frequently  sent  for, 
by  other  southern  white  people,  to  marry  their  ser- 
vants, or  preach  the  funerals. 


A  DISTINCTION. 


101 


CHAPTER  IX. 

A  DISTINCTION. 


AM  always  glad  and  ready  to  make  the  dis- 
tinction that  all  white  people  are  not  alike. 
A  distinction  that  many  white  people  are 
unwilling  to  make  relative  to  colored  people.  I  do 
not  say,  or  believe,  that  because  one  white  man 
robs  a  bank  and  runs  away  with  the  people's  money, 
that  all  white  men  are  thieves  and  robbers.  But  the 
general  verdict  among  white  people  seems  to  be  that 
if  one  colored  man  steals,  all  will  steal. 

There  are  some  white  people  in  the  South  whom  I 
consider  to  be  very  good  people,  though  they  were 
slave  owners.  Many  of  them  had  feelings  against 
slavery,  and  rejoiced  that  it  was  abolished.  The 
opinion  of  Ex-Governor  Henry  A.  Wise,  who  hung 
John  Brown,  will  be  in  place  here.  I  heard  Mr. 
Wise,  before  Judge  Underwood,  in  the  United 
States  Court,  make  a  statement  something  like  the 
following  in  substance.  While  in  the  course  of  his 
argument  he  turned  toward  the  colored  people, 


102  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


and  pointing  his  finger  directly  at  them  said,  " There 
is  the  bone  of  our  contention,  and  I  am  glad  it  is 
gone,  for  I  knew  that  slavery  and  freedom  could  not 
exist  together  in  the  United  States.  I  tried  to  get 
the  thing  committed  to  arbitration,  and  the  North,  as 
well  as  the  South,  is  responsible  for  its  existence,  for 
it  was  in  the  original  compact,  and  both  sections 
were  a  party  to  it."  This  utterance  of  the  Ex- 
Governor  of  Virginia  has  always  haunted  me. 

Was  the  North,  as  well  as  the  South,  responsible 
for  slavery  ? 

This  question  will  doubtless  be  asked  by  the  gen- 
erations that  are  to  follow  us,  and  they,  more 
removed  from  the  scenes  of  conflict,  will  unhesitat- 
ingly give  the  proper  answer.  The  mills  of  justice 
grind  slow,  but  they  grind  exceedingly  fine. 

I  am  glad  to  admit,  also,  that  a  great  change  has 
come  over  the  whole  country  since  the  close  of  the 
war,  in  regard  to  the  opinions  concerning  the  col- 
ored people.  This  is  seen  in  the  method  of  travel, 
North  and  South.  In  some  parts  of  the  North  the 
colored  people  were  denied  many  of  the  privileges 
that  chey  now  enjoy. 

I  remember  on  one  occasion,  I  was  returning  to 
Richmond,  from  Boston,  when  arriving  at  New  York, 
I  met  the  Honorable  Frederick  Douglass,  and  we 
rode  together  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  was  to  lec- 
ture. On  our  arrival  at  the  depot  we  took  a  horse- 
car  for  another  part  of  the  city.  We  had  boarded 
the  car,  Mr.  Douglass  had  taken  a  seat  inside,  and 


\ 


A  DISTINCTIOX.  103 

I  was  on  the  platform.  When  the  conductor  got  to 
me,  he  informed  me  that  I  "  must  get  off  this  car." 
I  asked  him  why.  He  replied,  he  had  no  argument 
to  make,  but  "  I  must  get  off  and  take  the  Jim  Crow 
Car." 

I  told  him  that  he  would  have  to  take  the  respon- 
sibility of  putting  me  off.  The  conductor,  for  some 
reason,  had  not  spied  Douglass,  seated  in  the  car. 

Mr.  Douglass  at  this  moment  sung  out,  and  wanted 
to  know  what  was  the  matter.  The  aforesaid  gentle- 
man was  surprised,  and  exclaimed,  "What  are  you 
doing  out  there?"  Douglass  continued  by  saying, 
"  Let  that  man  alone;  that  is  Rev.  Peter  Randolph, 
from  Boston,  Massachusetts."  "And  who  are  you  ?" 
said  the  conductor,  half  mad,  and  thinking  that  he 
was  contributing  something  for  the  amusement  of 
the  passengers.  The  quick  reply  was,  "  That  is 
Frederick  Douglass." 

By  this  time  some  of  the  gentlemen  on  the  car. 
who  had  heard  the  name  of  Massachusetts,  and  Fred- 
erick Douglass,  interfered  and  told  the  conductor  to 
let  those  men  alone,  that  they  had  no  objection  to 
riding  with  them.  The  name  of  Massachusetts 
seemed  to  have  had  a  salutary  effect  in  that  car,  in 
putting  things  to  right.  Long  may  she  live,  and 
hold  her  place  in  the  front  rank  of  the  nation,  and 
exert  an  influence  from  ocean  to  ocean  for  the 
oppressed.  I  believe  in  that  statement  which  says, 
the  wheels  of  progress  never  go  backward,  but  for- 
ward. 


104  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


I  have  strong  faith  in  the  rule  of  conscience, 
and  I  believe  that  many  of  the  hindrances  that  now 
impede  the  progress  of  my  people  will  be  removed, 
and  that  there  will  be  better  facilities,  and  greater 
opportunities  for  them. 

I  regret  exceedingly  that  there  are  some,  who 
term  themselves  ministers  of  the  Gospel,  who  are 
constantly  holding  up  to  public  ridicule,  the 
immoral  and  degraded  condition  of  some  colored 
people,  and  trying  to  prove  that  the  colored  people 
as  a  race  are  unfit  for  citizenship.  At  this  writing, 
a  prominent  minister  of  New  York  City,  writing  on 
the  condition  of  the  colored  people,  calls  them  bas- 
tards, and  says  they  are  immoral  and  superstitious. 
It  may  be  that  some  are  without  legitimate  fathers, 
and  some  are  immoral  and  superstitious.  But  the 
same  may  be  said  of  some  white  people,  in  almost 
every  .thickly-settled  community.  But  would  any 
minister,  or  anyone  else,  dare  to  say  all  were  such  ? 
If  he  did  he  would  be  called  a  lunatic.  Before  the 
white  South  parades  the  Negro's  immorality  before 
the  world,  let  her  ask  herself  and  conscience,  what 
has  the  South  done  to  improve  the  degraded  condi- 
tion of  the  colored  people.  And  is  she  free  from  all 
responsibility  in  this  matter?  The  preacher  for  the 
time,  should  be  uncompromising  in  the  truth,  not 
making  an  apology  for  sin  and  wrong-doing,  not  cov- 
ering up  hypocrisy,  but  uncovering  it,  and  teaching 
men  the  awful  consequences  of  sin._  Theodore 
Parker  did  not  fail  to  criticise  the  ministers  of  the 


A  DISTIX'-TIOX. 


105 


Gospel  for  neglecting  the  weightier  matters  of  the 
law.  What  we  need  are  more  men  of  his  character 
who  are  able  to  arouse  public  sentiment  in  behalf  of 
the  outraged  and  the  oppressed. 

I  believe  that  this  age  will  yet  produce  brave  and 
noble  men  who,  like  Parker,  Sumner  and  Phillips, 
will  champion  the  cause  of  the  weak  and  down-trod- 
den, and  that  they  will  continue  to  carry  on  the 
glorious  work  begun  by  their  predecessors. 

"  Truth  crushed  to  earth  shall  rise  again." 


106 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


CHAPTER  X. 

SPECIAL  TRAITS. 


HE  colored  people  have  often  been  criticised 
for  their  emotional  and  sympathetic  traits. 
I  hold  that  this  emotional  element  is  an 
important  adjunct  to  the  progress  of  humanity.  All 
nationalities  have  their  peculiar  traits  of  character, 
which,  blended  with  others,  add  or  detract  in  the 
great  progress  of  humanity. 

The  Negro  race  is  deeply  sympathetic  and  emo- 
tional, the  latter  resulting  from  the  former.  For 
where  there  is  deep  sympathy,  there  will  be  emotion 
more  or  less.  In  the  religious  worship  of  the 
colored  people,  perhaps,  this  element  of  emotion 
finds  its  greatest  opportunity  for  display.  The 
Negro  is  deeply  religious,  his  sympathies  run  in  that 
direction.  He  is  in  full  sympathy  with  religion,  and 
expresses  it  in  his  emotions. 

Now,  this  emotional  element  produces  enthusiasm 
and  fires  up  the  cold  and  indifferent.    "More  enthu- 

all  the  avenues  of  life. 


SPECIAL   TP  AITS. 


107 


Then  it  follows,  naturally  as  the  night  follows  the 
day,  that  a  deep  sympathetic  and  enthusiastic  nature 
is  necessary  as  a  supplement  to  one  that  is  cold  and 
indifferent. 

I  admit  that  some  of  the  demonstrations  mani- 
fested on  the  part  of  many  of  the  colored  people  in 
their  religious  meetings,  are  not  proper  —  for  they 
are  carried  to  extremes.  The  meetings  carried  on 
till  a  late  hour,  the  groaning,  and  shouting,  the  get- 
ting happy,  and  falling  over  benches,  are  features 
that  should  be  discouraged.  All  this,  doubtless,  is 
the  result  of  a  deep  religious  nature,  rough  and 
uncultivated,  the  overflow  of  a  strong  and  buoyant 
spirit.  Now,  what  must  be  done  with  this  nature? 
destroy  it  ? 

What  should  be  done  with  a  rough  and  uncul- 
tivated, yet  productive  soil  ?  The  iron  ore,  and  the 
unpolished  diamond?  Destroy  them  ?  The  foolish 
and  ignorant  could  only  say  destroy  them  ;  but 
.wisdom  and  experience  would  say  cultivate,  refine 
and  polish  them,  and  you  will  have  something  that 
will  be  useful  and  ornamental.  So,  in  regard  to  the 
emotional  element  in  the  Negro,  cultivate,  refine  and 
polish  it,  and  you  will  have  that  which  maketh  not 
ashamed,  but  desirable,  adding  strength  and  beauty 
in  the  great  temple  of  progress. 

This  sympathetic  element  is  not  only  seen  in  the 
religious  worship  of  the  colored  people,  but  also  in 
their  daily  contact.  The  Negro  is  domestic,  he 
loves  home,  wife  and  children,  and  is  easily  moved  to 


108  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


tears  by  the  affliction  of  any  of  these.  In  the  dark 
days  of  slavery,  when  parents  and  children  were 
forced  to  separate,  and  that  not  once,  but  often,  at 
each  separation  the  scenes  of  affection  were  heart- 
rending. I  have  conducted  funerals  where  it 
would  not  be  unusual  to  see  nearly  the  whole  adult 
congregation  bathed  in  tears,  while  in  some  white 
congregations  it  would  be  difficult  to  observe  but 
few,  if  any,  weeping. 

Not  that  the  white  people  do  not  feel  for  their 
beloved  dead,  but  that  the  manifestation  of  it  does 
not  show  itself,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Negro. 

Often  at  the  graves  of  their  masters,  who  had 
whipped  and  sold  them  into  slavery,  the  slaves  were 
seen  to  weep,  not  tears  of  joy,  but  of  sympathy  and 
sorrow.  This  emotional  element  that  is  manifested 
in  the  Negro's  life  is  usually  sincere  and  without 
sham  or  hypocrisy. 

Often  in  the  religious  meetings,  the  visitor  is 
caused  to  smile  and  laugh  out  loud,  at  what  appears 
to  him  to  be  amusing,  if  not  ridiculous.  But  the 
worshipers,  perspiring  at  every  pore,  were  never  more 
in  earnest,  and  never  more  sincere.  And  what  is 
more,  this  sincerity  on  the  part  of  the  colored  peo- 
ple have  caused  their  critics  to  make  allowance  for 
their  eccentricities.  Now,  I  maintain,  as  I  have 
already  intimated,  that  this  emotional  or  enthusiastic 
element  in  the  colored  people  —  which  is  natural  — 
is  capable  of  being  turned  to  great  good. 

To  deny  the  possibility  of  their  development  and 


SPECIAL  TBAITS. 


109 


high  state  oL  cultivation,  is  to  deny  the  current  facts 
of  history.  Negroes,  from  the  southern  plantations 
and  tobacco  factories,  have  stood  as  representatives 
in  the  legislative  halls,  to  champion  and  defend  the 
rights  of  man.  In  all  the  professions  they  are  found, 
and  when  opportunity  is  given  they  are  ready  and 
able  to  compete  with  their  more  favored  brothers 
for  the  honors. 

The  fact  that  the  soil  will  produce  one  hill  of  corn, 
is  an  evidence  that  it  will  produce  another.  What 
man  has  done,  it  is  reasonable  to  suppose  man  can  do 
under  similar  and  favorable  circumstances.  What, 
then,  must  be  our  conclusion  in  this  matter?  This. 
Encourage  the  Negro  to  develop  the  resources  that 
are  within  him.  He  has  patience,  for  he  has  been 
the  great  back-horse  and  burden-bearer  of  America. 
He  has  sincere  faith  in  God,  and  enjoys  his  religion. 
With  his  patience,  sincerity  and  enthusiasm  he  will 
help  to  evangelize  the  world. 

S  After  my  four  years  and  a  half  of  active  service  in 
:  Richmond  and  vicinity,  I  returned  again  to  Boston, 
.  my  former  home.  I  found  on  my  arrival  that  a  large 
'number  of  colored  people  had  gathered  here  from 
different  parts  of  the  South  in  search  of  homes  and 
employment.  The  name  Boston  always  had  a  musical 
and  joyous  sound  to  the  colored  people  in  the  South. 
This  was  not  unreasonable,  for  this  city  was  foremost 
in  advocating  the  Negro's  cause  and  vouchsafing  to 
him  the  immunities  of  citizenship.  May  this  grand  old 
city  always  hold  the  first  place  in  the  Negro's  affection. 


110  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


It  may  be  that  this  fact  —  Boston's  friendship  for 
the  Negro — »had  a  little  to  do  with  a  large  number 
coming  to  Boston.  Be  that  as  it  may,  the  fact  is,  I 
found  a  large  number  scattered  in  and  about  the 
South  End  of  the  city,  who  were  recently  from  the 
South.  Many  of  these  were  like  sheep  without  a 
Shepherd,  leaving  their  churches  in  the  South  behind 
them,  and  having  no  church  affiliations  here.  Owing 
to  the  habits  and  customs  in  the  South,  and  also 
their  mode  of  worship,  only  a  few  ventured  to  visit 
the  white  churches.  I  flattered  myself  as  knowing 
somewhat  the  needs  of  my  people.  After  talking 
the  matter  over  with  several  brethren,  and  consulting 
with  my  old  friend,  Deacon  Ezekias  Chase,  I 
decided  to  take  hold  of  the  work,  and  do  what  I 
could  to  build  up  a  Baptist  Church  at  the  South 
End. 

Already  the  good  people  at  Clarendon  St.  Baptist 
Church,  of  which  Rev.  A.  J.  Gordon  was  the  honored 
pastor,  had  begun  work  among  the  children  by  form- 
ing a  Sunday  School. 

This  Sunday  School,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Clar- 
endon Street  folks,  was  held  every  Sunday  at  1210 
Washington  Street.  I  noticed  that  a  number  of  the 
parents  of  these  children  would  occasionally  drop  in 
at  this  school.  The  thought  occurred  to  me  that 
this  was  the  place  to  begin  a  church  ;  accordingly 
the  church  was  started  with  a  handful  of  earnest 
men  and  women. 

All  movements,  secular  and  religious,  have  oppo- 


SPECIAL  TRAITS. 


Ill 


serc     :*  obstacles.    This  struggling  branch  was  no 


j.ion  to  the  rule.    One  of  the  difficulties  I  had 


to  contend  with  during  the  services  in  this  hall,  or 
place  of  our  first  meeting,  was  the  presence  of  a 
club  of  young  men  in  the  adjoining  apartment. 
While  I  was  preaching  the  voices  of  these  men 
could  be  audibly  heard  in  my  congregation.  One 
would  sing  out  "  I  pass,"  another  "  I  have  Jack," 
"trumps,"  "spades,"  and  such  expressions  as  are 
common  to  card  players.  Doubtless  their  idea  was 
to  get  us  disgusted,  and  cause  us  to  leave,  that 
they  might  continue  their  gambling  on  the  Lord's 
day. 

We  continued  to  preach,  and  finally,  that  peculiar 
noise  of  the  cards  falling  on  the  table  ceased,  and 
the  young  men  evidently  sat  quietly  listening  to  us. 

At  length  they  would  not  gamble  at  all  during  the 
religious  service,  but  would  come  in,  and  sit  in  our 
audience.  Their  faces  and  appearances  indicated 
that  they  were  not  the  best  class  of  young  men.  I 
believe  our  preaching  had  a  good  effect  upon  them, 
for  when  we  left  the  hall  for  the  want  of  more  room, 
and  selected  another  place  of  worship,  some  of  these 
young  men  continued  to  visit  our  services. 

During  our  stay  in  the  hall  on  Washington 
Street  our  numbers  were  greatly  augmented,  and 
we  removed  from  there  to  the  church  edifice  on 
West  Concord  Street,  a  more  commodious  place  of 
worship.  The  latter  was  secured  to  us  through  the 
kindness  of  Rev.  Geo.  C.  Lorimer,  D.  D.,  and  the 


112  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


dear  brethren  at  the  Clarendon  Street  Baptist 
Church. 

Dr.  Lorimer,  at  this  time,  was  the  pastor  of  the 
First  Baptist  Church,  located  on  Shavvmut  Avenue 
and  Rutland  Street.  Before  we  entered  the  Con- 
cord Street  meeting-house  —  which  seated  about 
five  hundred  people  —  the  church  was  organized  and 
recognized  as  the  Ebenezer  Baptist. 

I  cannot  say  too  much  in  the  way  of  commenda- 
tion and  praise  of  the  Clarendon  Street  folks,  for 
their  hearty  sympathy,  co-operation,  and  financial 
aid,  which  was  extended  to  us.  Nor  too  much  of 
the  beloved  and  lamented  Deacon  Ezekias  Chase, 
who  for  forty  years  had  been  my  personal  friend. 
He,  with  many  others,  have  finished  their  earthly 
.career,  and  have  gone  to  receive  the  reward  of  the 
faithful. 

At  Concord  Street  our  congregation  was  largely 
increased,  and  we  had  a  number  of  candidates  ready 
for  baptism.  Unfortunately  for  us  we  had  no  pool 
in  our  church,  and  was  compelled  to  go  elsewhere 
in  order  to  perform  the  rite.  Through  the  kind- 
ness of  Dr.  Gordon  and  his  officers,  our  first  bap- 
tism was  observed  at  the  Clarendon  Street  Baptist 
Church.  According  to  the  arrangements,  on  a 
certain  Sunday  morning,  after  the  doctor's  sermon 
to  his  congregation,  I  appeared  on  the  scene  with 
twenty-one  candidates,  and  a  large  part  of  my  con- 
gregation following  me.  Most  of  the  doctor's  con- 
gregation had  never  witnessed  what  they  called  a 


SPECIAL  TRAITS. 


113 


"Colored  Baptism  and  they  remained  to  see  the 
performance  of  the  same.  I  have  already  intimated 
that  most  of  these  people  were  recently  from  the 
South,  and  their  habits  and  customs  were  their  only 
heritage  from  slavery. 

I  had  cautioned  them  beforehand,  that  as  they 
were  going  to  Dr.  Gordon's  church  to  be  baptized, 
they  must  be  as  careful  and  calm  as  possible.  But 
I  am  sorry  to  say  that  most  of  them  forgot  my 
advice. 

The  first  one  I  immersed  showed  a  little  sign  of 
excitement,  and  the  second  a  little  more,  so  the 
excitement  increased  gradually,  till  some  got  happy 
in  the  water,  and  so  on.  At  the  beginning  of  the 
excitement  Dr.  Gordon  arose  and  dismissed  his  con- 
gregation, intimating  that  it  was  doubtless  best  for 
us  to  be  alone,  as  we  had  some  ways  peculiar  to  our- 
selves. He  might  have  added  that  we  had  learned 
these  in  the  house  of  bondage. 

There  was  one  noticeable  feature  that  attracted 
some  attention.  As  I  was  baptizing  one  man,  who 
was  quite  dark,  all  at  once  a  voice  shouted  out  in 
the  gallery,  " That's  my  husband."  Many  of  the 
congregation  mistook  her  for  a  white  woman,  but  she 
was  a  bright  mulatto.  Rev.  Mr.  Gordon  deeply 
sympathized  with  me  in  my  embarrassed  condition, 
and  I  was  so  ashamed  of  the  action  of  my  people 
that  I  never  went  there  to  baptize  again. 

The  Ebenezer  Church  continued  to  increase  in 
membership  and  influence,  until  to-day  it  is  one  of 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


the  largest  colored  churches  in  Boston.  True,  the 
church  has  had  many  changes  in  the  pastorate,  and 
this  doubtless  could  not  very  well  be  avoided, 
owing  to  the  composition  of  the  membership  and 
congregation.  These  were  mainly  uneducated  peo- 
\  pie,  not  from  one  part  of  the  South  only,  but  from  dif- 
ferent parts.  Few  had  any  definite  idea  of  church 
government,  yet  all  had  some  idea  as  to  how  a 
Baptist  church  should  be  carried  on,  that  is,  they 
thought  they  did. 

Those  who  came  from  Virginia  had  their  ideas  as 
to  how  a  church  should  be  conducted,  and  likewise 
those  who  came  from  North  Carolina,  Alabama, 
Georgia  or  Florida,  had  theirs  also.  Each  different 
set  wanted  their  kind  of  a  preacher,  and  the  major- 
ity usually  carried  the  day.  The  uneducated  min- 
ister would  naturally  go  with  the  crowd  that  voted 
for  his  coming. 

With  this  peculiar  membership  the.  minister  would 
not  have  smooth  sailing  all  the  time.  The  remedy 
for  this  babel  state  of  affairs  will  come  through  the 
intelligent,  educated  ministry,  which  shall  enlighten 
the  people,  and  bring  them  up  to  the  correct  stand- 
ard, and  not  appeal  to  their  ignorant  methods  inher- 
ited from  slavery. 

What  is  needed,  also,  is  more  co-operation  on  the 
part  of  the  white  brethren  in  this  whole  matter. 
This  applies  to  colored  churches  all  over  the  country. 
Give  the  churches  better  leaders,  educated  and 
trained  in  all  doctrine.     This  the  white  people 


SPECIAL  TRAITS. 


115 


must  do,  for  the  colored  people  are  poor  and  have 
nothing. 

Having  relieved  myself  of  the  work  and  respon- 
sibility of  the  Ebe'nezer  Baptist  Church,  I  still 
remained  in  Boston  and  vicinity,  ready  to  help  in 
every  good  work,  where  my  services  were  wanted. 
Owing  to  my  relation  to  the  churches  and  old 
acquaintance  in  the  city,  I  was  constantly  called 
upon  to  officiate  at  funerals,  address  organizations, 
and  different  societies.  Frequently  I  was  called  to 
other  cities  and  towns  to  preach  and  supply  vacant 
pulpits. 

In  Providence,  R.  I.,  I  supplied  the  Ebenezer 
Church  there  for  one  year,  and  my  stay  was  blessed 
with  much  success.  While  serving  this  church  I 
met  there  some  of  my  relations  who  were  sold  from 
the  "Brandon  Plantation,"  on  the  James  River, 
that  I  spoke  of  in  the  previous  chapters.  We  were 
unknown  to  each  other,  until  we  found  out  where  we 
came  from.  This  may  seem  amusing  to  some,  but 
it  is  a  common  thing  among  colored  people  to  meet 
in  one  another's  company  for  years  and  not  know 
that  they  are  near  kin  until  some  incident  occurs 
like  this.  In  i.iany  of  the  larger  cities  and  towns  in 
the  North,  and  especially  in  New  England,  like  Prov- 
idence, Worcester,  New  Bedford,  Springfield,  New 
Haven,  Hartford  and  Newport,  there  is  a  large 
population  of  colored  people,  the  majority  of  whom 
came  from  the  South  since  the  war.  They  are 
usually  the  poorer  class  of  colored  people,  who  come 


116 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


to  better  their  condition  ;  some  come  direct  from  the 
plantations,  others  from  the  cities  and  tobacco  fac- 
tories. As  a  rule,  all  are  hard-working  people,  and 
where  they  get  fair  wages  and  kind  treatment  they 
will  work  themselves  nearly  to  death. 

In  the  South,  their  great  social  and  religious 
enjoyment  has  come  through  their  church  life. 
And  naturally  they  seek  such  affiliations  as  soon  as 
they  arrive.  In  many  places  they  are  too  poor  and 
too  few  in  number  to  have  a  self-sustaining  church, 
and  ought  to  remain  as  a  mission  under  some  white 
church  that  is  willing  and  able  to  instruct  and  assist 
them. 


IN  MANY  FIELDS. 


117 


CHAPTER  XI. 

IN   MANY  FIELDS. 

OME  of  the  white  Protestant  churches 
have  done  noble  work  along  this  line. 
The  Clarendon  Street  Baptist  Church,  of 
which  I  spoke,  is  a  good  illustration  of  this  fact. 
But  most  of  the  white  churches,  for  some  reason, 
are  indifferent  or  soon  tire  of  the  work.  The  Cath- 
olic Church  of  Rome  is  taking  advantage  of  this 
indifference  on  the  part  of  Protestants  toward  their 
colored  brother.  The  progress  of  the  Church  of 
Rome  among  the  colored  people  for  the  last  few 
years,  will  surprise  anyone  who  will  look  into  the 
subject.  The  colored  people  of  America  in  the 
main,  are  Protestants,  and  so  inclined.  It  will  be 
no  credit  to  the  Protestant  Church  of  America  to 
let  the  Church  of  Rome  capture  these  out  of  her 
hands. 

It  has  been  my  privilege  to  visit  many  of  these 
scattered  and  weak  churches,  and  do  what  I  could  to 
help  them. 


118  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


Worcester,  Mass.,  was  also  one  of  the  places 
where  I  labored  for  a  short  time,  endeavoring  to  build 
up  the  people. 

The  colored  Baptist  here  as  elsewhere  were  weak, 
and  struggling  for  existence.  I  presented  their 
interest  to  the  white  brethren  of  the  denomination, 
but  they  were  slow  to  take  hold  of  the  work,  and 
rather  inclined  to  criticise  the  colored  people  for 
their  mode  of  worship.  This  I  tried  to  show  was 
the  result  of  the  institution  of  slavery,  for  which 
the  whole  country  was  in  part  responsible. 

At  the  close  of  my  remarks  a  brother  minister 
arose,  and  said  that  he  was  very  much  interested  in 
what  I  had  to  say.  And  while  continuing  he  said 
to  the  congregation  :  "  Brethren,  we  may  not,  as 
individuals,  have  injured  the  colored  people,  but  we 
have  as  a  nation,  and  we  might  just  as  well  acknowl- 
edge it."  How  much  better  was  this  simple  testi- 
mony to  the  truth  than  all  the  skilled  and  apologetic 
arguments  made  in  defence  of  the  wrong  against 
the  colored  people.  When  Joseph's  brethren  had 
time  to  think  and  talk  the  matter  over,  they  said 
one  to  the  other,  "We  have  wronged  our  brother." 
When  the  American  people  have  had  plenty  of  time 
to  think  over  their  relation  to  their  colored  brother, 
they  will  make  the  acknowledgment  that  the 
brothers  of  Joseph  made  —  "We  have  wronged  our 
brother." 

I  alluded  to  the  testimony  of  the  minister  at  Wor- 
cester, because  it  was  an  exceptional  thing  for  a 


IN  MANY  FIELDS. 


119 


clergyman  to  speak  out  as  he  did  In  the  dark  days 
of  slavery  there  was  hardly  one  minister  out  of  a 
hundred  that  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  oppressed  slave. 
And  to-day  the  same  might  almost  be  said  of  the 
ministers  in  the  South  and  the  North,  relative  to 
the  barbarous  and  inhuman  outrages  committed  on 
the  colored  people.  This  is  a  Christian  nation,  yet 
the  burning  of  colored  people  at  the  stake  is  of  fre- 
quent occurrence. 

We  tremble  and  shudder  when  we  read  Fox's 
Book  of  Martyrs,  but  who  is  affected  at  the  burning 
of  Negroes  alive  in  the  South  ?  The  pulpit 
should  speak  out  against  this  blot  on  American 
Christian  civilization,  but  it  is  conspicuous  for  its 
silence.  We  need  another  Webster  to  say,  "If  the 
pulpit  is  silent  she  is  false  to  her  trust." 

Speaking  of  the  colored  people  and  the  difficulties 
they  have  in  their  church  affairs,  reminds  me  of  a 
visit  I  made  to  Cleveland,  Ohio,  some  years  ago. 
In  conversation  with  the  deacon  of  the  First  Baptist 
Church,  4ie  turned  on  this  phase  of  the  subject  with 
the  colored  churches. 

He  spoke  of  the  difficulties  he  had  experienced  in 
the  early  history  of  his  own  church,  and  expressed 
himself  as  not  being  surprised  at  the  troubles  the 
colored  congregations  had  ;  for  coming,  as  many  of 
them  did,  from  different  parts  of  the  South,  unedu- 
cated and  untrained,  confusion  was  rather  expected. 
This  deacon's  view  is  the  most  intelligent  and 
charitable  that  I  have  ever  heard  from  a  white 


120 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


brother  concerning  the  colored  churches  in  the 
North. 

His  idea  on  this  point  is  worthy  of  repetition  ; 
certainly  if  the  white  churches  with  all  their  intel- 
ligence and  systems  have  "  church  fusses ",  what 
must  be  expected  where  there  is  no  system  and  no 
education,  to  speak  of  ?  If  the  green  tree  can  barely 
escape,  how  will  the  dry  tree  be  effected  ? 

The  progress  that  some  of  these  churches  have 
made  in  spite  of  difficulties  is  an  evidence  that 
there  are  possibilities  within  the  church  which,  if 
properly  cared  for,  will  make  them  efficient  and  self- 
supporting. 

My  work  at  Mashpee,  among  the  Indians,  also 
claims  a  brief  mention  in  these  notes. 

Mashpee,  Gay  Head,  and  many  other  settlements 
in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod,  are  distinguished  for 
their  Indian  descendants.  In  the  early  days  of  New 
England  history,  some  of  the  most  war-like  tribes 
lived  in  this  neighborhood.  Of  course,  the  remnant 
that  now  remains  is  not  the  genuine  article,  but  a 
mixture  of  white  and  colored  people,  by  intermar- 
riage ;  still  there  is  much  that  is  characteristic  of  the 
Indian.  The  people  at  Gay  Head  and  Mashpee 
have  remained  somewhat  to  themselves  in  a  separate 
reservation,  have  their  own  schools  and  churches, 
and  in  the  main,  they  are  farmers  and  fishermen. 
Some  of  the  best  whalers  that  have  chased  after  the 
king  fish,  have  come  from  among  these  half  Indian 
young  men. 


IN  MANY  FIELDS. 


121 


The  Gay  Head  boys  have  made  themselves 
prominent  by  the  bravery  that  was  exhibited  in 
rescuing  the  survivors  from  the  wrecked  steamer, 
"City  of  Columbus". 

I  found  the  Mashpee  people  to  be  kind,  intelli- 
gent, and  lovers  of  their  church,  and  though  my  stay 
among  them  was  of  short  duration,  they  were  well 
pleased  with  the  service  I  rendered  them  as  a 
preacher. 

Their  church  was  located  a  little  back  in  the 
woods  on  a  hill,  and  close  by  a  stream.  Tradition 
says,  that  this  stream  or  pond,  was  the  favorite 
trout-fishing  ground  for  Daniel  Webster,  the  great 
statesman. 

While  supplying  this  church  I  met  here  a  friend 
of  mine  from  Boston,  who  was  not  considered  much 
of  a  church  goer.  He  expressed  the  idea  that  he 
would  like  to  hear  me  preach ;  accordingly,  like 
Nicodemus,  he  sought  a  by-path  which  led  indi- 
rectly to  the  church,  and  sat  on  the  outside  to 
listen  while  the  worshipers  were  assembled  inside. 
He  took  his  departure,  however,  before  the  congrega- 
tion was  dismissed,  and  no  one  saw  him  come  or  go. 
He  informed  some  members  of  the  church  that  he 
had  been  to  the  church  and  heard  me  preach,  and  to 
convince  them,  he  related  a  story  that  I  told  of  a 
man  crossing  a  river  with  his  sheep,  which  he 
characterized  as  that  f* sheep  story". 

The  last  time  I  met  him  in  Boston  he  wanted  to 
know  about  that  old  "  sheep  story       As  I  was  the 


122  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


first  colored  preacher  to  supply  these  people,  they 
turned  out  en  mass  on  the  first  Sunday,  and  mani- 
fested much  curiosity,  expecting  to  see  me  get 
happy,  jump  up  and  shout.  Happily  for  them,  they 
were  forced  to  change  their  minds  in  this  respect. 

Nantucket,  which  seems  to  be  cut  off  from  the 
rest  of  the  world,  cannot  be  reached  by  the  pedes- 
trian ;  but  he  who  would  reach  its  shores  must  go  by 
the  way  of  the  briny  deep.  I  had  made  arrangements 
to  supply  the  Baptist  Church  on  this  island  for  a  short 
time,  but  the  Sunday  I  was  expected,  I  did  not 
arrive,  because  there  was  so  much  water  between 
myself  and  the  island.  It  has  been  the  rule  of  my 
life  always  to  be  punctual  in  regard  to  my  appoint- 
ments, and  doubtless  much  of  the  success  I  have 
had  is  due  to  this  fact ;  but  this  is  one  of  the  times 
that  I  "got  left". 

I  had  been  misdirected  as  to  the  direct  course  to 
Nantucket,  and  after  going  a  station  or  two  out 
of  my  way,  I  had  to  return  and  start  again,  and 
accordingly,  when  I  arrived  at  Hyannis  on  the  Cape, 
where  I  was  to  take  the  steamer,  the  boat  not  wait- 
ing for  me,  had  taken  its  departure,  and  there  would 
not  be  another  until  Monday  morning.  I  was 
informed,  also,  that  the  next  train  back  to  Boston, 
would  be  on  Monday  morning  —  this  was  anything 
but  consolation. 

I  was  at  two  extremes,  the  end  of  the  rail- 
road and  at  my  wits'  end.  Here  I  found  myself  in 
a  strange  place  and  among  strange  people,  and  must 


ik  MANY  FIELDS. 


123 


remain  half  the  day  Saturday,  and  all  day  Sunday. 
What  to  do  was  the  question  ? 

I  inquired  for  the  Baptist  pastor  and  found  one, 
Rev.  J.  Brownston  by  name.  He  met  me  at  his 
door  as  a  gentleman  and  a  Christian.  I  related  to 
him  my  story  and  disappointment  in  r.ot  reaching 
Nantucket.  He  extended  to  me  the  hospitalities  of 
his  home,  and  invited  me  to  remain  over  Sunday. 
I  attended  the  service  in  his  church  in  the  morning; 
the  theme  of  his  discourse  was  the  providence  of 
God  in  the  affairs  of  men. 

He  referred  to  me  as  an  illustration  of  the  sub- 
ject. How,  in  the  providence  of  God,  I  was  pre- 
vented from  going  to  Nantucket,  that  I  might 
remain  in  Hyannis  over  Sunday.  The  subject  and 
the  manner  in  which  he  treated  it,  made  a 
great  impression  upon  me.  He  announced  to  his 
congregation  that  I  would  preach  in  the  evening,  and 
give  some  account  of  my  slave  life  and  advent  to 
Boston.  Accordingly,  at  the  evening  service  a  large 
congregation  was  present.  I  did  the  best  I  could 
in  way  of  preaching,  and  'elated  some  facts  of  my 
slave  life.  How  I  came  to  Boston  in  1847,  w^tn 
sixty-six  companions,  and  so  on. 

One  of  the  pleasant  and  surprising  things  to  me 
was,  that  there  was  an  old  brother  in  the  audience 
who  remembered  the  time  of  our  arrival,  and  was 
one  among  the  crowd  that  greeted  us  at  Long  Wharf, 
Boston.  The  presence  of  this  gentleman  gave  a 
double  emphasis  to  all  I  had  to  say  on  this  point. 


124 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


On  Monday  morning  I  took  my  departure  from 
Hyannis,  believing  firmer  than  ever,  that  the  provi- 
dence of  God  guides  in  the  affairs  of  men.  In 
crossing  that  part  of  the  Atlantic  that  lies  between 
Nantucket  and  the  main  land,  one  must  not  look 
for  all  smooth  sailing,  if  so,  doubtless  there  will  be 
some  disappointment,  but  you  must  be  willing  to 
smell  and  taste  a  little  of  "old  Ocean". 

On  reaching  Nantucket  I  was  much  impressed 
with  the  place  and  its  people,  though  the  first 
impression  was  not  a  very  favorable  one,  for  I  was 
looking  for  a  larger  town  and  more  activity  among 
the  people.  It  was  certainly  a  sea-girt  island,  and 
ancient  in  its  architectural  structures.  The  people 
were  of  a  mixed  population,  with  much  of  the  Indian 
element,  whose  main  occupation  was  that  of 
fishing. 

In  the  early  days  of  whale-fishery  Nantucket  was 
one  of  the  leading  ports.  The  people  are  proud  of 
their  history,  and  take  great  delight  in  showing 
strangers  dilapidated  buildings,  that  are  distin- 
guished for  their  age. 

The  traditional  history  of  the  name  Nantucket, 
seems  to  be  quite  familiar  among  the  young  people. 
They  will  tell  you  about  the  three  islands  the 
sovereign  of  England  gave  to  his  three  daughters, 
Martha,  Elizabeth  and  Nancy. 

The  first  two  were  taken  by  Martha  and  Elizabeth, 
and  called  respectively,  Martha's  Vineyard,  and  Eliza- 
beth Islands.    As  there  was  only  one  left,  ".Nan," 


IN  MANY  FIELDS. 


125 


she  took  it ;  and  the  island  bears  the  name  of 
Nantucket,  because  Nancy  took  it.  I  cannot  say 
positively  that  Nancy  got  the  best  of  the  three 
islands,  for  when  I  discovered  that  I  had  to  eat 
clams  or  fast  —  knowing  that  I  was  not  too  fond  of 
that  fish  —  I  desired  to  be  in  a  more  convenient 
place.  On  the  whole,  my  stay  at  Nantucket  was 
pleasant  and  I  have  made  several  visits  to  the  island. 

I  will  also  briefly  state,  that  I  preached  for  a 
while  in  Albany,  New  York.  And  also  served  the 
church  at  West  Newton,  Mass.,  for  one  year.  All 
these  fields  I  have  mentioned  include  the  time  after 
my  return  from  the  South.  Doubtless  much  of  the 
work  dune  in  these  fields  was^  imperfect.  But  I 
have  had  occasion  to  rejoice  again  and  again  at  the 
result  of  the  seed  that  was  sown. 


126  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  LAW. 


jS  I  was  born  a  slave  in  the  South  and  deprived 
of  all  educational  advantages,  the  oppor- 
tunity for  self-improvement,  after  my 
emancipation,  I  rarely  allowed  to  go  by,  though  I 
had  a  family  to  support.  When  I  was  pastor  in  New 
Haven  I  availed  myself  of  the  public  lectures  that 
were  given.  Also  in  like  manner,  when  I  was  in 
Richmond,  Va.,  I  attended  the  school  for  preachers 
there,  and  I  always  sought  the  presence  and  compan- 
ionship of  those  who  were  able  to  help  me,  through 
the  conversation  and  discussion  of  important  subjects. 

Accordingly,  soon  after  I  gave  up  the  active  -pas- 
torate of  the  Ebenezer  Baptist  Church,  Boston,  I 
entered  the  law  office  of  E.  G.  Walker,  Esq.,  and 
read  law  for  a  while,  not  with  a  view  of  practicing, 
but  for  the  sake  of  a  more  definite  idea  of  the  com- 
mon law.  With  this  general  knowledge  I  thought 
I  could  render  much  acceptable  service  to  many  of 


\ 

THE  LAW.  127 

my  people  who  are  ignorant  of  their  environments 
and  the  laws  that  govern  them. 

I  was  made  a  Justice  of  the  Peace,  under  Governor 
Washburn,  and  reappointed  by  Governor  Long  and 
Governor  Ames,  respectively.  While  in  this  capac- 
ity I  rendered  helpful  service  to  some  of  my  people. 
But  as  this  was  not  my  calling  I  did  not  continue  in 
it  very  long. 

Before  closing  these  brief  but  important  sketches 
of  my  life,  from  slavery  to  freedom,  I  wish  to  relate 
a  pleasant  episode  that  happened  on  one  of  my 
return  visits  from  Richmond  to  Boston. 

Owing  to  the  ill  health  of  my  wife  and  family,  it 
was  necessary  for  me  to  make  stated  visits  to  the 
North,  at  the  same  time  availing  myself  of  the 
opportunity  of  informing  and  interesting  my  friends 
in  the  southern  work.  During:  one  of  these  visits  I 
happened  in  the  Boston  Post  Office  one  day,  and  on 
entering,  my  eyes  rested  on  what  appeared  to  be  a 
flat  pocket-book ;  I  examined  the  contents  and  found 
the  name  of  Charles  Vinell  attached. 

I  inquired  of  the  delivery  clerk  if  he  knew  of 
such  a  person  ;  he  informed  me  that  the  said  Vinell 
had  called  for  letters  and  that  he  resided  down  on 
Cape  Cod.  I  was  acquainted  with  one  Deacon  Vinell 
who  lived  in  Cambridge,  Mass.,  and  had  his  office 
with  Gardiner  Colby.  Accordingly  I  called  on  Mr. 
Vinell,  told  him  my  story  of  the  pocket-book,  and 
asked  him  if  he  knew  this  Mr.  Vinell,  from  the 
Cape.    He  informed  me  that  he  often  did  business 


128  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


with  him,  and  that  he  was  a  distant  relative  of 
his. 

In  the  meantime  Mr.  Vinell,  the  owner  of  the 
pocket-book,  was  exercising  himself  not  a  little  in 
search  of  his  property. 

He  had  visited  five  different  places  to  see  if  he 
had  left  it  "there".  His  agitation  of  mind  can 
better  be  imagined  than  described ;  doubtless  he 
scratched  his  head  more  than  once  where  it  did  not 
itch,  endeavoring  to  stir  up  his  memory,  for  that 
wallet  contained  what  might  be  regarded  by  some  as 
a  small  fortune.  Finally  he  found  his  way  back  to 
the  Post  Office,  which  at  that  time  was  located  on 
State  Street.  As  he  entered,  full  of  excitement,  the 
clerk  anticipated  him  by  saying,  "You  have  lost 
your  pocket-book,  sir?"  He  intimated  he  had,  and 
that  he  had  been  hunting  everywhere  he  had  gone, 
for  it,  and  wanted  to  know  if  anyone  had  seen  it  in 
the  office. 

The  Post  Office  clerk  assured  him  that  the  purse 
had  been  found,  and  was  safe  in  the  hands  of  a  col- 
ored man  whom  he  knew,  the  Rev.  Peter  Randolph, 
who  was  preaching  among  the  freedmen  in  the  South, 
and  that  he  could  be  found  at  the  office  of  Gardiner 
Colby.  He  forthwith  struck  a  B-line  for  this  office, 
where  I  happened  to  be  at  the  time.  As  he  entered 
some  one  said  to  me,  "That  is  Mr.  Vinell."  As  he 
came  in,  with  his  face  radiant  with  a  smile,  I 
approached  him  and  said,  "You  have  lost  your 
pocket-book,  sir?"    He  seemed  too  full  for  utter- 


i 

THE  LAW. 


129 


ance,  and  gave  only  smiles  for  answer.  As  I 
returned  the  pocket-book  I  asked  him  how  much  it 
contained.  "  Something  over  five  thousand  dollars," 
was  the  reply.  As  he  received  it,  he  said,  "Now, 
what  shall  I  give  you?"  "Anything  you  please, 
sir."  He  gave  me  five  dollars  and  an  invitation  to 
visit  him  at  his  home  on  the  Cape. 

A  few  days  after  this  I  read  in  the  papers  that 
a  colored  boy  from  Richmond,  Va.,  had  picked  up  a 
purse  of  five  thousand  dollars,  and  was  liberally 
rewarded  with  five  dollars.  This  newspaper  article 
gave  two  impressions  that  I  wanted  to  correct ;  the 
first  was,  that  I  was  not  a  boy,  but  a  man,  con- 
sidered old  enough  to  vote,  if  nothing  else.  So 
accordingly  I  called  on  Mr.  Haskill,  editor  of  the 
Transcript,  and  related  to  him  the  correct  story 
relative  to  the  pocket-book. 

He  published  the  same  in  his  paper  and  informed 
the  public  that  I  was  not  the  boy  spoken  of,  but  the 
Rev.  Peter  Randolph,  who  was  pastor  of  a  large 
church  in  Richmond.  The  second  impression  I 
wanted  corrected,  was  that  I  was  not  complaining 
because  of  what  Mr.  Vinell  gave  me,  for  I  consid- 
ered him  the  only  rightful  possessor  of  the  purse  and 
contents.  When  my  many  friends  learned  that  I 
was  the  person  who  had  found  the  money,  they  came 
together  and  presented  me  with  a  present  of  some 
two  hundred  dollars. 

I  accepted  Mr.  Vinell's  invitation  and  made  him  a 
visit  at  the  Cape,  which  was  very  pleasant  and  profit- 


130 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


able,  and  through  his  influence  I  was  able  to  solicit 
the  sympathy  and  co-operation  of  several  friends  in 
the  southern  work. 

If  there  is  any  moral  to  this  pocket-book  story, 
it  is  this  :  Honesty  is  always  the  best  policy,  and 
brings  its  own  reward. 


RETROSPECT.  131 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


RETROSPECT. 


HE  river  has  its  bend  and  the  longest  road 
must  terminate.  As  I  look  backward  and 
take  a  retrospective  view  of  my  past  toils 
and  sorrows,  and  the  vicissitudes  through  which  I 
have  passed,  I  feel  that  I  have  much  to  be  thankful 
for.  I  am  greatful  to  Almighty  God  for  emancipa- 
tion from  cruel  southern  bondage,  and  for  directing 
my  course  to  liberty-loving  Massachusetts.  I  am 
thankful  to  that  noble  band  of  men  and  women  who, 
by  pen  and  tongue  acting  under  the  highest  impulse, 
did  not  hesitate  to  perform  their  duty  in  behalf  of 
outraged  and  oppressed  humanity. 

I  shall  never  forget  those  brave  and  patriotic  men 
who,  tearing  themselves  from  the  embrace  of  their 
families,  hastened  to  the  scene  of  conflict  and  poured 
put  their  dearest  blood  for  freedom  and  right. 

I  thank  God  for  the  unity  and  good  feeling  that 
exist  between  the  North  and  South ;  for  the  mate- 


132 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


rial  prosperity  of  which  we  have  a  right  to  boast ; 
and  join  with  others  in  the  grand  anthems  of  praise: 
"My  country,  'tis  of  thee,  Sweet  land  of  liberty," 
"  God  bless  our  native  land,"  and,  "  Firm  may  she: 
ever  stand." 

But,  with  all  my  gratitude  and  praise,  I  still  feel 
ashamed  of  the  present  condition  of  our  colored 
Americans,  in  this  great  country. 

A  candid  review  of  that  condition  will  show  that 
it  is  far  from  what  it  ought  to  be,  in  view  of  the 
great  loss  of  blood  and  treasure. 

The  sacrifices  and  insults  that  the  anti-slavery  folks 
were  forced  to  endure,  the  suffering  and  privations  of 
the  soldiers  on  the  battle-field,  and  in  prison  pens  ; 
the  loss  of  over  a  million  lives,  and  eight  billions 
of  money,  should  have  been  sufficient  to  dig  a 
grave  so  deep  for  slavery,  that  it  would  never  rise 
again  to  vex  the  country  in  any  form. 

Doubtless  there  are  many  who  think  this  has 
been  done,  and  done  once  for  all.  I  sincerely  hope 
so. 

But,  as  in  the  days  of  slavery,  so  now,  I  hear  the 
voice  of  my  oppressed  brethren  in  the  South,  crying 
for  help  and  protection.  Protection  from  the  lash, 
shot-gun,  lynching,  and  that  most  fiendish  custom  — 
which  was  unknown  in  the  days  of  slavery  —  the 
burning  of  colored  people  alive  at  the  stake.  These, 
my  outraged  brethren,  have  again  and  again  waited 
upon  the  President  through  their  delegations,  and 
presented  to  him  their  grievances.    The  delegations 


RETROSPECT. 


133 


have  been  politely  received,  only  to  be  informed 
that  the  President  could  do  nothing.  They  have 
returned  to  their  homes  to  be  abused  the  more  for 
daring  to  complain  of  the  treatment  accorded  them 
by  the  white  South. 

Outrageous  methods  are  resorted  to,  in  order  to 
defraud  the  poor  people  out  of  their  honest  toil,  and 
deprive  them  of  their  civil  and  political  rights. 
Many  of  these  methods  are  known  to  both  white 
and  colored. 

If  the  colored  citizens  dare  to  come  together  and 
defend  themselves  and  their  homes,  the  attacking 
party  raise  the  cry  of  "  Race  Riot ",  and  forthwith 
the  state  militia  hurries  to  the  scene  to  shoot  and 
abuse  the  colored  people  only. 

White  men  who  condemn  and  speak  out  against 
this  condition  of  affairs  are  gagged,  or  forced  to 
leave  the  section  for  a  more  congenial  clime.  The 
pulpit  and  press,  which  are  recognized  forces  in 
every  community,  encourage,  rather  than  condemn, 
the  persecution  of  the  colored  people ;  the  pulpit  by 
its  silence,  the  press  by  actually  urging  it  on. 

A  colored  man  may  be  arrested  on  suspicion  of 
crime,  and  before  his  trial  or  even  he  reaches  jail, 
the  southern  press  publishes  to  the  world,  that 
"a  black  fiend  has  been  arrested,  and  it  is  likely  he 
will  be  lynched." 

The  white  South  seems  to  think  the  colored  Amer- 
icans have  but  few  rights  that  they  are  bound  to 
respect,  and  they  have  the  colored  people  in  their 


134 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


hands,  as  clay  in  the  hands  of  the  potter,  to  mould 
into  shape,  or  dash  into  pieces.  The  North  — 
judging  from  its  indifference  and  non-interference  — 
are  gradually  turning  the  whole  "  Negro  question" 
over  to  the  South  to  take  care  of. 

What  will  the  South  do  with  the  Negro?  will  be 
the  question.  Will  she  educate  and  elevate  him  as 
an  intelligent  citizen  or  degrade  him  to  a  serf  and 
slave  ?    She  has  the  power  to  do  either. 

The  unconditional  control  the  victorious  North 
permitted  the  conquered  South  to  exercise  over  the 
colored  people  since  emancipation,  is  one  of  the 
things  that  will  perplex  the  future  historian  for  expla- 
nation. The  North,  with  the  aid  of  two  hundred 
thousand  colored  soldiers,  succeeded  in  giving  the 
South  a  severe  thrashing.  President  Lincoln,  when 
he  saw  the  bravery  and  courage  that  was  displayed 
by  these  soldiers  on  the  battle-field  —  regardless  of 
his  previous  opinions  he  may  have  held  on  the  sub- 
ject—  declared  before  his  God,  that  the  four  mil- 
lions of  slaves  in  this  country  should  be  free.  And 
General  Benjamin  F.  Butler,  when  he  rode  over  that 
memorable  battle-field  and  saw  the  ground  covered 
with  brave  black  soldiers,  then  and  there,  he 
resolved  before  God,  "  To  these  people  ever  to  be 
true."  And  he  kept  his  word  to  the  letter;  and 
when  he  breathed  his  last  at  the  national  capital  his 
colored  friend  and  faithful  servant  was  the  last  one 
to  look  upon  his  living  countenance. 

Lincoln  and  Butler  had  good  reasons  for  chang- 


RETROSPECT. 


135 


in£  their  former  views  relative  to  the  status  of  the 
colored  people  in  this  country. 

Their  position  to  the  general  government,  and  to 
their  former  masters,  should  have  guaranteed  to 
them  better  protection. 

To  set  them  free,  and  leave  them  without  the 
necessary  protection,  at  the  mercy  of  their  former 
owners,  maddened  by  reason  of  their  defeat,  was 
indeed  an  oversight. 

The  southern  whites  could  forgive  their  north- 
ern brethren  for  taking  up  arms  against  them  ;  but 
for  the  colored  man  and  slave  who  dared  to  take 
up  arms  against  the  South,  there  could  be  no 
forgiveness ;  the  only  thing  for  them  was  death. 

And  they  have  endeavored  to  make  the  Negro's 
freedom  taste  as  bitter  to  him  as  the  dregs  of 
slavery  ever  tasted. 

Charles  Sumner,  with  the  insight  of  a  true  states- 
man, anticipated  this  state  of  affairs.  Realizing  as 
he  did,  that  the  Negro  question  was  directly 
or  indirectly  the  source  of  all  the  trouble,  it  was  his 
supreme  desire  and  aim,  to  so  fix  this  question  once 
for  all,  that  unlike  Bancho's  Ghost,  it  would  never 
arise  to  frighten  the  American  people  again.  He 
said  to  the  country  in  acts,  if  not  in  words,  the  only 
way  to  settle  this  question,  is  to  change  the  status 
of  the  Negro,  make  him  a  man  with  all  the  rights  of 
an  American  citizen,  and  put  in  his  hands  the  bal- 
lot as  a  means  of  his  protection.  He  labored  for 
the  realization  of  this  result,  but  died  before  its  con- 


136 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


summation.  Among  his  last  words  were  these: 
"Do  not  forget  my  Civil  Rights  Bill." 

The  North  has  forgotten  it,  and  the  South  has 
thrown  it  overboard  as  a  "blunder  of  statesmanship". 

I  shall  never  forget  my  interview  with  Mr.  Sum- 
ner at  the  Coolidge  House,  Boston,  on  one  of  my 
return  visits  from  the  South. 

The  object  of  my  visit  was  to  lay  before  him  the 
condition  of  my  people  as  I  viewed  them,  from  per- 
sonal contact. 

It  was  early  morning  when  I  called,  about  the 
time  he  was  to  have  his  breakfast.  As  I  was 
ushered  into  his  presence,  he  remarked  that  I  would 
have  to  talk  to  him  while  he  was  eating,  for  his  time 
was  so  taken  up  that  he  had  but  few  moments  to 
spare. 

I  began  by  saying,  that  there  was  never  a  people 
in  all  the  history  of  the  world,  that  were  placed  in  a 
similar  position  as  my  people  are  placed  at  the  pres- 
ent time. 

I  spoke  of  the  madness  of  the  slaveholders  as 
analogous  to  that  of  Pharoah  when  he  was  forced  to 
let  the  people  go.  "But,"  I  continued,  "the  Red 
Sea  separated  Pharoah  and  his  slaves ;  the  freedmen 
of  the  South  were  left  with  their  masters  where  there 
was-hate  and  malace  indescribable.  The  subject  of 
the  king  departed  with  gold,  silver,  and  herds  of 
cattle ;  but  the  poor  emancipated  slave  had  nothing 
but  his  empty  hands."  As  I  thus  began  to  talk  with 
Senator  Sumner,  he  rested  his  knife  and  fork,  and 


( 


RETROSPECT.  137 

looked  at  me  with  signs  of  deep  sympathy.  Said 
he: 

"Mr.  Randolph,  in  my  feelings  and  sympathies,  I 
am  a  colored  man,  and  feel  most  deeply  all  the 
wrongs  that  your  people  suffer." 

He  also  referred  to  the  trouble  he  was  having  with 
his  own  party ;  intimating  that  it  was  departing  from 
its  true  principles,  and  about  to  leave  the  colored 
man  out  in  the  cold. 

Many  of  us  have  been  taught  by  experience  that 
Sumner  was  right,  and  this  will  be  seen  more  and 
more  as  the  years  advance. 

If  Sumner  was  wrong  in  advocating  the  ballot  for 
the  Negro,  Lincoln  was  wrong  in  issuing  his 
emancipation  proclamation  ;  if  the  proclamation  was 
a  "military  necessity",  the  ballot  was  a  necessity, 
for  in  the  absence  of  military  protection,  the  ballot 
was  the  only  protector.  To  condemn  one  is  to 
condemn  the  other. 

Freedom  and  the  right  of  franchise  have  come  to 
the  colored  man  through  the  terrible  ordeal  of 
war.  The  question  that  is  paramount  to  all  ques- 
tions is  :  Shall  the  results  of  the  war  be  recognized  ? 
This  question  the  North  must  ask  herself,  and  put 
it  to  the  South,  and  demand  an  answer.  Nowhere 
in  our  broad  land  —  North  or  South  —  are  freedom 
and  citizenship  accorded  to  colored  people  as  to 
others. 

There  are  not  a  few  who  endeavor  to  excuse  their 
treatment  of  the  Negro,  because  of  his  vices.  They 


138  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


say  he  is  a  thief,  unreliable  and/ immoral.  To  inti- 
mate that  all  men  are  thieves  a'.id  liars,  because  one 
man  is  found  out  to  be  so,  is  '.o  manifest  one's  igno- 
rance of  human  nature ;  v/hich  is  the  same  in  a 
black  man  as  it  is  in  a  white  man,  under  similar 
circumstances. 

To  say  that  all  colored  people  are  dishonest  and  of 
a  bad  character,  is  to  be  guilty  of  the  same 
foolishness. 

On  examination  it  will  be  found  that  the  honesty 
and  integrity  of  the  colored  people  will  compare 
favorably  with  others  in  the  community.  Those 
who  are  dishonest  and  immoral  are  greatly  indebted 
to  the  institution  of  slavery,  for  their  inheritance. 

Slavery  taught  them  to  steal  food,  by  depriving 
them  of  sufficient  food.  It  taught  them  fo  lie,  by 
punishing  them  severely  when  detected,  and  taught 
them  to  be  immoral  by  compelling  men  and  women 
to  marry  again  and  again,  after  their  husbands  and 
wives  had  been  sold,  that  they  may  raise  a  new  set 
of  children  for  the  slave  market.  Also,  by  the 
forced  relation  of  some  of  the  masters  and  slave- 
drivers,  who  begot  children  by  slave  women,  and 
sold  the  females  at  a  high  price  to  become  mis- 
tresses for  white  men. 

When  our  southern  friends  speak  of  the  immorality 
of  the  colored  people,  without  giving  the  cause,  they 
should  have  their  fingers  guarded  upon  their  lips. 

Regardless  of  all  tfiese  signs  of  discouragement 
there  are  still  signs  of  encouragement.    The  prog- 


I 

RETROSPECT. 


139 


ress  the  colored  people  have  made  in  face  of  all 
difficulties  is  phenomenal. 

Since  their  emancipation  they  have  increased 
from  four  millions  to  eight  millions.  Every  seat  in 
their  schoolhouses  is  filled,-  and  there  is  an  urgent 
appeal  for  more  efficient  schools.  The  colored  pop- 
ulation in  the  United  States  pay  taxes  on  $264,000,- 
000  worth  of  property.  And  according  to  Mr. 
Grady's  statement,  the  colored  people  in  Georgia 
alone  pay  taxes  on  forty  million  dollars  ($40,000,000) 
worth  of  property ;  and  according  to  the  auditor's 
last  report  of  Virginia,  they  pay  over  twelve  million 
dollars  ($12,000,000)  on  taxable  property. 

The  colored  man  is  not  only  a  plantation  hand, 
but  he  is  a  mechanic,  tradesman  and  banker ;  he  is 
a  preacher,  teacher,  editor,  lawyer  and  doctor.  The 
colored  people  in  the  States  support  seven  colleges, 
seventeen  academies  and  fifty  high  schools,  in  which 
there  are  thirty  thousand  pupils. 

They  have  one  million,  five  hundred  thousand 
children  in  the  common  schools,  and  twenty-four 
thousand  teachers.  More  than  two  million,  five 
hundred  thousand  of  the  race  can  read  and  write. 

To  let  the  Negro  alone,  remove  all  impediments 
out  of  his  way  and  encourage  him  to  make  progress 
along  these  lines,  will  solve  what  appears  to  many  to 
be  a  difficult  problem. 

The  duty  of  the  colored  man  for  the  hour  is  to 
prepare  himself  to  be  an  intelligent  and  industrious 
American  citizen. 


140 


SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


The  white  people  of  this  country  and  of  the  world 
should  be  patient  with  the  Negro  ift  his  progress,  for 
it  will  be  impossible  for  him  to  eliminate  in  one  gen- 
eration the  evil  effects  of  two  hundrey  and  fifty  years 
of  American  slavery.  \ 

Christian  civilization,  if  it  has  free  course,  will 
adjust  difficulties.  If  this  cannot,  what  will? 
Will  emigration  solve  the  question  ?  No,  that  will 
simply  throw  our  duty  and  responsibility  on  others. 

Will  extermination  satisfy  ?  No,  it  will  add  insult 
to  injury,  and  like  Cain  and  his  brother,  will  greatly 
add  sorrow  to  this  life  and  the  life  to  come.  There 
is  but  one  rule,  and  one  only,  that  can  solve  the 
"Race  Problem,"  and  all  difficult  problems. 

That  rule  came  from  Heaven  through  Jesus 
Christ,  and  was  given  to  man  as  his  only  safe  guide; 
It  is  called  the  Golden  Rule  :  "  Do  unto  others  as 
you  would  have  others  do  unto  you."  On  this  rests 
the  joy  or  sorrow  of  America. 


I 

SOME  OF  MY  FRIENDS. 


141 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


SOME  OF  MY  FRIENDS. 


T  is  an  old  saying  but  a  true  one,  that  he 
who  would  have  friends  must  show  himself 
'  friendly. 

These  are  the  names  of  some  of  my  friends  who 
have  manifested  their  friendship  during  the  chang- 
ing scenes  of  my  life,  in  addition  to  those  mentioned 
in  the  Second  Chapter: 


Frederick  Batcheller, 

Geo.  E.  Batcheller, 

W.  Patton, 

L.  Patton, 

Chas.  Morey, 

A.  Safford, 

Samuel  James, 

F.  Baker, 

H.  M.  Moon, 

F.  J.  Smith, 

John  Rand, 

Pliny  Smith, 


A.  Pratt, 
R.  Goodwin, 
W.  E.  James, 
J.  D.  Lovett, 
Peter  Hobert, 
Ezekias  Chase,  Jr., 
Chas.  Wiggins, 
Chas.  Wiggins,  Jr., 
K.  R.  Tolman, 
O.  Holmes, 
P.  C.  Johnson, 
F.  Nazro, 


142  SLAVE  CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 


Walter  Smith, 
Wm.  Butler, 
Geo.  Denney, 
E.  W.  Wheelock, 
Ralph  Warner, 
Wm.  C.  Bond, 
J.  H.  Clinch, 
Wm.  F.  Mullen, 
Hugh  Carey, 
Geo.  Freeman, 
Geo.  Simmons, 
Edward  Kinnard, 
Henry  Callender,  Jr., 
John  Bishop, 
Frederick  Mosley, 
Flavell  Mosley, 
Rev.  A.  J.  Gordon,  D.  D., 
Rev.  A.  A.  Miner,  D.  D., 
Rev.  O.  P.  GirTord,  D.  D., 
Rev.Geo.C.Lorimer,D.D., 
John  C.  Lovell, 
William  Butler, 
Cumming  Bray, 
John  Hitchcock, 
Wm.  C.  Durant, 
Wm.  Cole, 
Chas.  Cole, 
Matthew  Cox, 
Chas.  L.  Andrews, 
Author  Hebbert, 


F.  Moody, 

J.  M.  Clinch, 

Wm.  Newton, 

Nathaniel  Comner, 

Nathaniel  Jones, 

Samuel  Loud, 

O.  V.  Brown, 

Dr.  Samuel  Birmingham, 

Mrs.  John  Lorthop, 

Samuel  Hatch, 

Mr.  Cudwell, 

Samuel  Hodgman, 

Wm.  Harris, 

Chas.  Roundy, 

Chas.  Cheney, 

J.  C.  Bishop, 

N.  C.  Bray, 

W.  E.  Crocker, 

H.  G.  Hotchkiss, 

A.  Van  Wagnor, 

J.  Kendall, 

Wm.  Wardwell, 

James  Baxter, 

Miss  R.  Bates, 

Joseph  Toctman, 

Geo.  R.  Kelso, 

Geo.  Cooper, 

J.  A.  Chebut, 

Benj.  Lovell, 

Amos  Thompson, 


SOME  OF  MY  FRIENDS. 


143 


W.  J.  Converse, 

Henry  W.  Comner, 

Lucius  Cheney, 

Chas.  Barrett, 

Messrs. Rhodes  and  Ripley,  Chas.  Smith, 

Geo.  R.  Eager, 

Mr.  Griffis, 

Miss  Hattie  Eager, 

Mr.  Hewes, 

Miss  Fannie  Eager, 

John  Daniels, 

E.  Thayer, 

Chas.  Daniels, 

J.  Sawyer, 

Noble  Hill, 

C.  Boynton, 

Mr.  Dadford, 

Mr.  Thompson, 

Mr.  Priest, 

Dea.  Hill, 

Amos  Tapley, 

John  May, 

Mr.  How, 

Chas.  Butler, 

Silas  Lothrop, 

Joseph  Tuttle, 

Willis  Van  Wagner, 

Mr.  Love  joy, 

Samuel  Noyes, 

Mr.  Frost, 

J.  C.  Cambell, 

Matthew  Boles, 

Jno.  M.  Williams, 

Paul  Deen, 

Mrs.  Sarah  Bond, 

Geo.  Chipman, 

Richard  Bond, 

Chas.  Phipps, 

Wm.  Claflin, 

J.  Roberts, 

Mr.  Vinson, 

Jno.  L.  Patch, 

Walter  B.  He  wins, 

Henry  Prunk, 

H,enry  Jenkins, 

C.  Mash, 

0.  J.  C.  Benn, 

Mr.  Edmons, 

Wilson  Owens, 

0.  H.  Simson, 

Samuel  Johnson, 

Chas.  H.  Newt 

E.  R.  Morse, 

Jno.  R.  Davis, 

0.  M.  Wentworth, 

Wm.  Taylor, 

Geo.  T.  Clark, 

J.  Manning, 

0.  A.  Door, 

144  SLAVE 

CABIN  TO  PULPIT. 

J  .   iJ I  U  WIJ, 

\V  Hi.          \Jal  1  loUIl, 

iiitAdllUCI     V  dUt  1111) 

Wendell  Phillins 

rani/    T-T  i  n  Irl  oir 

-Tld-IIK.  riii]K.Jcy, 

Will.         n  uiiipiii  Cc, 

Moses  A.  Noyes, 

F.  0.  Dewey, 

Jno.  D.  Manning, 

Wm.  Varney, 

waiter  in.  uoie, 

uco.  xvoDinson, 

/iiDert  n.  rnnce, 

Nathaniel  How, 

/\.  o.  ivioore, 

Geo.  Dexter, 

o.  o.  Weston, 

j  no.  iDngnam, 

vvm.  n .  iJuiiDur, 

vvm.  jd.  in  ye, 

S.  Stilman  Blanchard, 

ira  jj.  wrcutt, 

Ezra  Farns worth, 

Frank  Loring, 

JL.e\  1  L..  WllCOtt, 

iur  i-,yons, 

Wm.  Lincoln, 

lvir.  vose, 

iv.  u.  Lrreen, 

T-s  /"i  Tiro  vn            t- f- O >" 

J2,uwd.ru  ruuci, 

Jl\.  JJcIIlIIllCK, 

j.  ivioor, 

O.  Vjr.  JDOWQier, 

Abner  Tower, 

xi.  oKLlltOn, 

Moses  Tower, 

Riley  Pebles, 

Moses  Tower,  Jr., 

Geo.  Blake, 

Geo.  Callender, 

Mr.  Brown, 

Messrs.  Hartshorn  and  Hunt, 

■ 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE  TO  SKETCHES 
OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


IT  was  on  the  morning  of  the  15th  of  Sep- 
i  tember,  1847, tnat  I  learned  from  a  constant 
1  and  true  friend  to  the  slave  —  Mr.  Robert 
R.  Crosby  —  that  a  large  company  of  colored  people, 
said  to  be  emancipated  slaves  from  Virginia,  were 
then  landing  from  a  schooner  at  Long  Wharf.  I 
immediately  went  thither,  and  found  the  report  cor- 
rect. The  people  in  question  were  in  part  upon  the 
wharf,  and  some  had  not  yet  left  the  vessel.  I 
entered  into  conversation  with  several  of  their  num- 
ber, and  learned  that  they  had  been  slaves  in  Prince 
George  County,  Virginia,  on  the  estate  of  Mr.  Car- 
ter H.  Edloe,  on  the  James  River.  Mr.  Edloe  died 
in  1844,  and  by  will  provided  for  the  emancipation 
of  his  slaves,  and  for  the  payment  to  each  one  of  fifty 
dollars,  whenever  they  should  elect  to  receive  their 
freedom  and  go  out  of  the  State  of  Virginia.  With 
a  few  of  his  slaves,  for  especial  reasons,  he  had  dealt 
much  more  liberally.    The  provisions  of  Mr.  Edloe's 

147 


148  SKETCHES  OF  SLA  VE  LIFE. 


will,  it  would  appear,  however,  were  not  carried  out 
in  the  spirit  of  the  testator,  and  there  is  reason  to 
believe  that  the  executor  designedly  deceived  and 
wronged  the  slaves.  They  were  kept  at  work  upon 
the  estate  as  slaves  for  more  than  three  years  after 
their  master's  death,  on  the  pretence  that  there  was 
not  money  sufficient  to  pay  them  the  sum  which  the 
will  specified.  At  the  end  of  that  time,  in  despair  of 
obtaining  their  rights  under  the  will,  the  larger  part 
of  the  people  determined  to  take  what  they  could  get, 
which  was  less  than  fifteen  dollars  each,  and  go  to  a 
free  state.  There  were  sixty-six  of  them  —  of  both 
sexes  and  of  all  ages,  from  seventy-five  years  down 
to  infancy  —  who  decided  to  go  to  Boston.  Their 
passage  was  secured  in  the  schooner  Thomas  H. 
Thompson,  Wickson,  master,  by  which  vessel  they 
arrived  in  Boston,  as  stated  above. 

Such  was  the  story  told  to  me ;  and  I  may  add, 
that  further  inquiries  have  entirely  satisfied  me  of 
its  correctness.  I  found  these  emancipated  people 
without  exception,  desirous  of  obtaining  situations 
where  they  might  at  once  go  to  work  —  none  fearing 
but  that  they  could  support  themselves  and  their 
families,  if  they  could  find  employment.  Of  course 
I  expressed  my  readiness  to  aid  them  in  obtaining 
places,  if  they  wished  to  do  so.  The  offer  was 
gratefully  accepted,  and  without  much  loss  of  time, 
places  were  found,  out  of  the  city,  for  about  one  half 
of  them.  The  remainder  found  homes  and  occupa- 
tion in  the  city,  or  its  immediate  vicinity. 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE.  '  149 


Eight  years  have  now  nearly  elapsed,  during 
which  time  I  have  observed  the  course  of  these 
emancipated  slaves  with  attention  and  with  some 
curiosity.  I  regarded  the  experiment  they  were 
making  as  an  exceedingly  interesting  one ;  such  an 
one  as,  if  successful,  ought  to  convince  even  the 
most  skeptical,  of  the  ability  of  the  colored  man, 
even  when  reared  in  the  ignorance  and  partial 
dependence  which  the  condition  of  slavery  imposes, 
to  "take  care  of  himself".  For  this  was  not  a  com- 
pany of  slaves  selected  for  any  special  capacity,  or 
of  such  as  by  their  own  skill  and  daring  had 
achieved  freedom.  They  were  the  ordinary  working 
force  of  one  plantation  —  of  all  ages  and  capacities, 
and  in  various  states  of  health  ;  and  might  be  pre- 
sumed to  be  a  fair  representation  of  the  average 
condition,  at  least,  of  Virginia  slaves.  The  experi- 
ment —  if  any  choose  so  to  regard  it  —  has  had  a 
fair  trial,  and  has  resulted,  I  can  truly  say,  very 
much  to  their  credit.  Since  the  first  few  months 
after  their  arrival  —  when,  on  account  of  their  desti- 
tution and  the  strangeness  of  a  new  home,  occa- 
sional help  was  needed  by  a  number  of  them  —  the 
instances  in  which  they  have  sought  charitable  aid 
have  been  few  and  infrequent.  Even  an  aged  and 
nearly  worn-out  man  of  their  number  for  six  years 
maintained  himself  by  his  daily  labor,  and  only 
ceased  to  attempt  it  longer,  when  told  that  he  must 
desist  by  reason  of  infirmity  of  age,  at  upwards  of 
four  score  years.    Generally,  so  far  as  my  knowl- 


150 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


edge  extends,  they  have  secured  for  themselves  a 
sufficient  though  frugal  living,  and  some  of  them 
have  decidedly  prospered.  And  in  regard  to  sobri- 
ety, honesty,  and  general  good  conduct,  they  will 
not  suffer  by  comparison  with  any  like  number  of 
people  in  the  community. 

It  affords  me  a  sincere  pleasure  to  be  able  to 
give  this  testimony  in  behalf  of  these  people,  our 
hardly-treated  brethren.  For,  unusually  fortunate 
as  they  were  in  having  a  master  so  eccentric  as  to 
believe  that  his  slaves  desired  liberty  and  were  enti- 
tled to  it,  yet  their  lot  in  slavery  left,  as  it  ever 
must,  on  body  and  mind,  indelible  marks  of  its 
blighting  power.  When  all  the  untoward,  disheart- 
ening, soul-crushing  influences  of  their  former  life 
are  considered,  it  seems  to  me  not  less  surprising, 
than  it  is  honorable  to  themselves,  that  they  have 
used  their  liberty  so  justly  and  so  well. 

I  think  it  well  to  subjoin  their  names  and  ages, 
from  a  list  taken  by  me  at  the  time  of  their  arrival. 
Some  of  them  have  gone  "  where  the  wicked  cease 
from  troubling,  and  the  weary  are  at  rest." 


Lucy  Fountin,  76. 
Chas.  Fountin,  ab't  40. 
Wm.  Fountin,  do. 
Carter  Selden,  47, 

wife  and  six  children. 
Levi  Scott,  about  75. 
Daniel  . 


Peter  Randolph,  27, 

wife  and  child. 
Anthony  Randolph,  24. 
Richard  Randolph,  22. 
James  Randolph,  10. 
Wyatt  Lee,  25, 

wife  and  two  children. 


INTRODUCTORY  NOTE: 


151 


Frank  Churchwell,  54. 
Adam  Harrison,  55. 
George  Mayerson,  45, 

wife  and  two  children. 
Burry  Robeson, 


Andrew  Clark,  23, 

wife  and  child. 
Henry  Carter,  and  wife. 
Amy  Richardson,  29, 

two  children. 


wife  and  two  children.  Judy  Griffin,  26, 


Davy  Mead,  45. 
Patty  Mead,  his  wife. 
Torrington  Ruffin,  36, 

wife  and  four  children. 
William  Archy,  32, 

wife  and  five 'children. 
Davy  Jones,  40. 


two  children. 
Fanny  Bailey,  30. 
Sam.  Jones,  24. 
Richard  Whiting. 
Jack  Harrison,  29. 
Ralph  Webb,  24. 
Peter  Taylor,  36. 


The  unpretending  work,  written  by  one  of  the 
above  sixty-six,  is  commended  to  the  public  as 
wholly  trustworthy,  and  deserving  of  their  favor. 

SAMUEL  MAY,  Jr. 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE 


CHAPTER  I. 

THE  SYSTEM. 


HE  good  anti-slavery  men  have  very  much 
to  contend  with,  in  their  exertions  for  the 
cause  of  freedom.  Many  people  will  not 
believe  their  statements ;  call  them  unreasonable 
and  fanatical.  Some  call  them  ignorant  deceivers, 
who  have  never  been  out  of  their  own  home,  and  yet 
pretend  to  a  knowledge  of  what  is  going  on  a  thou- 
sand miles  from  them.  Many  call  them  dangerous 
members  of  society,  sowing  discord  and  distrust 
where  there  should  be  nought  but  peace  and  broth- 
erly love.  My  Readers !  give  attention  to  the 
simple  words  of  one  who  knows  what  he  utters  is 
truth ;  who  is  no  stranger  to  the  beauties  of  slavery 
or  the  generosity  of  the  slaveholder.  Spend  a  few 
moments  in  reading  his  statement  in  regard  to  the 
system  of  American  slavery.     Do  not  scoff  or 

153  ' 


154 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


doubt.  He  writes  what  he  does  know,  what  he  has 
seen  and  experienced ;  for  he  has  been,  for  twenty- 
seven  years  of  his  life,  a  slave;  and  he  here  sol- 
emnly pledges  himself  to  truth.  Not  once  has  he 
exaggerated,  for  he  could  not ;  the  half  of  the  woes 
and  horrors  of  slavery,  his  feeble  pen  could  not  por- 
tray. 

This  system  is  one  of  robbery  and  cruel  wrong, 
from  beginning  to  end.  It  robs  men  and  women  of 
their  liberty,  lives,  property,  affections,  and  virtue, 
as  the  following  pages  will  show.  It  is  not  only  a 
source  of  misery  to  those  in  bonds,  but  those  who 
fasten  the  chains  are  made  wretched  by  it ;  for  a 
state  of  war  constantly  exists  between  the  master 
and  servant.  The  one  would  enforce  obedience  to 
his  every  wish,  however  wrong  and  unjust ;  he  would 
exact  all  the  earnings  of  the  slave,  to  the  uttemost 
farthing.  The  latter  feels  the  restraint  and  withes 
under  it ;  he  sees  the  injustice,  and  aV  times 
attempts  to  assert  his  rights ;  but  he  mret  submit 
either  to  the  command  or  the  lash ;  obey  implicitly 
he  must. 

The  argument  so  often  brought  forward,  that  it 
would  be  for  the  interest  of  the  owner  to  treat  his 
slaves  well,  and  of  course  he  would  not  injure  his 
own  interests,  may  do  for  some,  but  not  for  the 
thinking  and  considerate.  When  does  the  angry 
tyrant  reflect  upon  what,  in  the  end,  will  be  the  best 
for  him  ?  To  gratify  his  passion  for  the  moment,  to 
wreak  out  his  revenge  upon  a  helpless  menial,  is,  at 


THE  SYSTEM. 


155 


the  time  of  excitement,  his  interest,  and  he  will 
serve  it  well. 

Many  argue  that  the  southern  masters  are  not  to 
blame  for  this  wrong  ;  they  inherited  it  from  their 
fathers,  it  is  said,  and  what  can  they  do  ?  Get  rid  of 
it !  Would  it  be  sensible  to  suppose  that  generation 
after  generation  were  justifiable  in  becoming  drunk- 
ards, because  some  ancestor  had  been  ?  Certainly 
not ;  any  person  who  reasoned  thus  would  be  con- 
sidered insane.  If  my  father  stole,  or  murdered, 
would  that  excuse  me  for  committing  the  same 
crimes  ?    No  ;  we  all  know  better  than  that. 

Again,  it  is  said,  the  slaveholder  has  bought  them 
and  paid  his  money  for  them ;  perhaps  his  whole 
property  is  in  them  ;  should  he  give  them  up,  and 
beggar  himself  ?  If  his  property  consists  in  human 
beings,  surely  he  should  give  it  up,  though  he 
starved  in  consequence.  Of  whom  has  he  bought 
them  ?  Who  can  own  humanity  but  the  great  Crea- 
tor ?  As  the  good  Vermont  Judge  said- — "Show  a 
bill  of  sale  from  the  Almighty,  and  we  acknowledge 
your  claim." 

Some  will  say,  "The  slaveholder  cannot  live  with- 
out the  Negro ;  the  climate  will  not  permit  the  white 
man  to  toil  there."  Very  well;  admit  it.  Then  let 
him  grant  to  men  their  rights  ;  make  them  free  citi- 
zens ;  pay  them  justly  for  their  honest  toil  and  see 
the  consequences.  All  would  be  happier  and  better. 
Slavery  enriches  not  the  mind,  heart  or  soil,  where 
it  abides ;  it  curses  and  blights  everything  it  comes 


156         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


in  contact  with.  Away,  away  with,  tear  up  by  the 
roots,  these  noxious  weeds,  which  choke  the  growth 
of  all  fair  plants,  and  sow  in  their  stead  the  beau- 
teous flowers  of  freedom,  well  watered  by  the  pure 
waters  of  religion,  and  what  a  rich  harvest  will  be 
yours ! 


SLAVES  ON  TEE  PLANTATION.  157 


CHAPTER  II. 


SLAVES  ON  THE  PLANTATION. 


HE  slave  goes  to  his  work  when  he  sees  the 
daybreak  in  the  morning,  and  works  until 
dark  at  night.  The  slaves  have  their  food 
carried  to  them  in  the  field ;  they  have  one  half  hour 
to  eat  it  in,  in  the  winter,  and  one  hour  in  the  sum- 
mer. Their  time  for  eating  is  about  eight  in  the 
morning,  and  one  in  the  afternoon.  Sometimes, 
they  have  not  so  much  time  given  to  them.  The 
overseer  stands  by  them  until  they  have  eaten,  and 
then  he  orders  them  to  work. 

The  slaves  return  to  their  huts  at  night,  make 
their  little  fires,  and  lie  down  until  they  are  awak- 
ened for  another  day  of  toil.  No  beds  are  given 
them  to  sleep  on ;  if  they  have  any,  they  find  them 
themselves.  The  women  and  men  all  have  to  work 
on  the  farms  together;  they  must  fare  alike  in  slav- 
ery. Husbands  and  wives  must  see  all  that  happens 
to  each  other,  and  witness  the  sufferings  of  each. 


158         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


They  must  see  their  children  polluted,  without  the 
power  to  prevent  it. 

HOW  THE  SLAVES  CONTRIVE  TO  GET  FOOD. 

There  are  some  animals  in  Virginia  called  rac- 
coons, possums,  old  hares,  and  squirrels.  The  best 
of  these  is  the  possum,  which  lives  in  old  trees  and 
in  the  earth.  The  slave  sets  his  trap  in  the  swamps 
where  the  possum  usually  lives.  The  traps  are 
made  by  cutting  down  trees,  and  cutting  them  in 
short  pieces  about  five  feet  long ;  then  they  raise 
the  log  on  three  pieces  of  stick,  like  the  figure  four 
These  traps  are  made  on  the  Sabbath.  One  slave 
will  sometimes  have  fifteen  or  twenty  of  them,  and 
will  go  at  night,  with  his  torch  of  pitch-pine,  and  see 
if  his  traps  have  caught  anything  for  him  to  eat. 
Sometimes  he  finds  a  possum  and  a  raccoon ;  and 
sometimes  a  squirrel  and  old  hare.  This  old  hare  is 
something  like  a  rabbit.  All  of  these  animals  are 
good  food  for  the  poor  slave,  and  make  him  feel  very 
glad  that  he  has  them  to  eat.  Some  of  the  slaves 
hunt  these  animals  with  dogs,  trained  for  the  pur- 
pose. They  run  them  up  the  trees  in  the  forest, 
where,  as  they  are  a  harmless  animal,  they  can  be 
taken  very  easily.  They  do  not  fight  very  hard 
when  caught,  but  are  very  easily  overcome ;  but 
they  are  a  deceitful  little  animal.  They  will  lie  on 
the  ground,  and  make  you  think  they  are  dead ;  but 
if  you  leave  them,  they  will  creep  off  so  soon,  that 


SLAVES  ON  THE  PLANTATION.  159 


you  cannot  conceive  how  the  little  animal  got  away 
so  cute.  The  only  way  they  can  be  kept  safely  is  to 
be  put  in  a  bag,  or  in  a  basket  with  a  cover.  The 
slave  knows  best  when  to  hunt  these  creatures.  The 
best  time  is  just  at  the  rise  of  the  tide  in  the  rivers. 
There  is  another  method  that  the  slave  takes  to  get 
his  food.  He  makes  what  is  called  a  fish  trap. 
This  is  made  by  cutting  white  oak  wood  into  very 
small  strips,  which  are  tied  together  with  a  great 
deal  of  ingenuity.  This  trap  is  put  in  very  deep 
water,  and  attended  by  the  slaves  at  night,  and  on 
the  Sabbath  (this  being  all  the  time  they  have  to 
attend  to  their  traps )  ;  and  very  glad  are  they  of 
this  opportunity  of  getting  some  nice  fish.  Often- 
times the  overseer  will  take  what  he  wants  for  his 
own  use,  and  the  slaves  must  submit. 

There  are  some  little  fruits  in  Virginia,  that  are 
called  "simmons";  they  grow  very  plentifully,  and 
are  sweet  and  good.  The  slaves  get  them  in  the 
fall  of  the  year,  then  they  get  a  barrel  and  put  the 
"simmons"  into  it,  and  put  water  there  too,  and 
something  else  that  grows  on  trees,  that  they  call 
"locusses ",  which  are  about  ten  inches  long,  and 
two  across.  They  put  the  "locusses"  and  "sim- 
mons "  into  the  water  together,  and  let  them  stand 
for  two  or  three  days.  Then  the  water  is  drained 
off,  and  the  leaves  are  used  as  you  would  use  coffee. 
The  slaves  put  this  liquid  in  gourds,  and  carry  it  to 
the  field  with  them,  and  drink  out  of  their  gourds 
while  they  eat  their  bread. 


160         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


HOUSE  SLAVES. 

When  the  slave-master  owns  a  great  many  slaves, 
ten  or  a  dozen  are  always  employed  to  wait  on  him- 
self and  family.  They  are  not  treated  so  cruelly  as 
the  field  slaves ;  they  are  better  fed  and  wear  bet- 
ter clothing,  because  the  master  and  his  family 
always  expect  to  have  strangers  visit  them,  and  they 
want  their  servants  to  look  well.  These  slaves  eat 
from  their  master's  table,  wear  broadcloth  and  cal- 
ico;  they  wear  ruffied-bosomed  shirts,  too  —  such 
as  Doctor  Nehemiah  Adams  declares  he  saw  while 
on  his  visit  to  the  South,  where  he  became  so  much 
in  love  with  the  "peculiar  institution".  These 
slaves,  although  dressed  and  fed  better  than  others, 
have  to  suffer  alike  with  those  whose  outward  con- 
dition is  worse.  They  are  much  to  be  compared  to 
galvanized  watches,  which  shine  and  resemble  gold, 
but  are  far  from  being  the  true  metal ;  so  with  these 
slaves  who  wait  upon  their  masters  at  table  —  their 
broadcloth  and  calico  look  fine,  but  you  may  examine 
their  persons,  and  find  many  a  lash  upon  their  flesh. 
They  are  sure  of  their  whippings,  and  are  sold  the 
same  as  others. 

Sometimes  their  masters  change,  and  put  them  on 
the  farm,  that  the  overseers  may  whip  them. 
Among  those  who  wait  upon  the  master,  there 
is  always  one  to  watch  the  others,  and  report  them 
to  him.  This  slave  is  treated  as  well  as  his  master, 
because  it  is  for  the  master's  interest  that  he  does 


SLAVES  ON  THE  PLANTATION. 


161 


this.  This  slave  he  always  carries  with  him  when 
he  visits  the  North ;  particularly  such  slaves  as  can- 
not be  made  to  leave  their  master,  because  they  are 
their  master's  watch-dog  at  home.  So  master  can 
trust  them.  Before  leaving,  master  always  talks 
very  kindly  to  them,  and  promises  something  very 
great  for  a  present,  if  they  are  true  to  him  until  his 
return. 

These  slaves  know  what  they  must  say  when 
asked  as  to  their  treatment  at  home,  and  of  the 
treatment  of  their  fellows.  They  leave  their  wives, 
their  mothers,  brothers  and  sisters,  and  children, 
toiling  and  being  driven  and  whipped  by  the 
overseer,  and  tortured  and  insulted  on  every 
occasion. 

DECEPTION  OF  THE  SLAVEHOLDER. 

All  the  slaves,   as   well   as   their   owners,  are 
addicted  to  drinking;  so  when  the  slaveholder  wants  \ 
to  make  a  show  of  his  "niggers  "  (as  he  calls  them), 
he  gives  them  rum  to  drink. 

When  the  master  knows  a  northern  man  is  to 
visit  him,  he  gives  orders  to  the  overseer,  and  the 
overseer  orders  every  slave  to  dress  himself,  and 
appear  on  the  field.  If  the  slaves  have  any  best, 
they  must  put  it  on.  Perhaps  a  man  has  worked 
hard,  extra  times  all  the  year,  and  got  his  wife  a 
fourpenny  gown  —  she  must  put  it  on,  and  go  to 
the  field  to  work.  About  the  time  the  stranger  is 
expected,  a  jug  of  rum  is  sent  to  the  field,  and  every 


162  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


slave  has  just  enough  given  him  to  make  him  act  as 
if  he  was  crazy. 

When  such  a  stranger  as  Rev.  Dr.  Adams  appears 
with  the  master,  he  does  not  see  the  Negroes,  but 
the  rum  that  is  in  them  ;  and  when  he  hears  their 
hurrah,  and  sees  their  Jim-Crow  actions,  he  takes  it 
for  granted  that  they  are  as  happy  as  need  be,  and 
their  condition  could  not  be  bettered. 

The  owner  gives  the  visitor  liberty  to  ask  his 
"niggers"  questions.  He  will  ask  them  if  they 
love  their  master,  or  wish  to  leave  him.  Poor  slave 
will  say,  he  would  not  leave  his  master  for  the 
world;  but  oh,  my  reader!  just  let  .the  poor  slave 
get  off,  and  he  would  be  in  Canada  very  soon,  where 
the  slaveholder  dare  not  venture. 

The  slaves  do  not  speak  for  themselves.  The 
slave-holding  master  and  his  rum  are  working  in 
their  heads,  speaking  for  slavery ;  and  this  is  the 
way  the  slaveholder  deceives  his  friend  from  the 
North. 

FLOGGING. 

For  whipping  the  slaves  in  Virginia,  there  are  no 
rules.  The  slave  receives  from  the  slaveholder  from 
fifty  to  five  hundred  lashes.  The  slave-owner  would 
think  fifty  stripes  an  insult  to  the  slave.  If  the 
slave  is  let  off  with  fifty  lashes,  he  must  show  a  very 
good  temper.  Men,  women  and  children  must  be 
whipped  alike  on  their  bare  backs,  it  being  consid- 
ered an  honor  to  whip  them  over  their  clothes.  The 


SLAVES  ON  THE  PLANTATION.  163 


slaves  are  placed  in  a  certain  position  when  they  are 
flogged,  with  sufficient  management  to  hold  them 
very  still,  so  they  cannot  work  their  hands  or  feet, 
while  they  are  "wooding  them  up,"  as  they  call  it 
in  Virginia, 

Some  of  the  slaves  have  to  lie  down  on  their 
stomachs,  flat  on  the  ground,  and  be  stretched  out 
so  as  to  keep  their  skin  tight  for  the  lash,  and  thus 
lie  until  they  receive  as  much  as  they  choose  to  put 
on ;  if  they  move,  they  must  receive  so  many  lashes 
extra.  When  the  slaveholder  expects  to  give  his 
slave  five  hundred  lashes,  he  gives  him  about  half  at 
a  time ;  then  he  washes  him  down  with  salt  and 
water,  and  gives  him  the  remainder  of  what  he  is  to 
have.  At  such  times,  the  slave-owner  has  his  dif- 
ferent liquors  to  drink,  while  he  is  engaged  in  drain- 
ing the  blood  of  the  slave.  So  he  continues  to 
drink  his  rum  and  whip  his  victim.  When  he  does 
not  flog  his  victims  on  the  ground,  they  are  tied  by 
their  hands,  and  swung  up  to  a  great  tree,  just  so 
the  ends  of  their  toes  may  touch  the  ground.  In 
this  way,  they  receive  what  number  of  lashes  they 
are  destined  to.  The  master  has  straw  brought, 
that  the  blood  may  not  touch  his  shoes.  Ah,  reader ! 
this  is  true,  every  word  of  it.  The  poor  slave  is 
whipped  till  the  blood  runs  down  to  the  earth,  and 
then  he  must  work  all  day,  cold  or  hot,  from  week's 
end  to  week's  end.  There  are  hundreds  of  slaves 
who  change  their  skins  nearly  as  often  as  they  have 
a  new  suit  of  clothes. 


164         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


CHAPTER  III. 

FARMS  ADJOINING  EDLOE's  PLANTATION. 


WILL  give  my  readers  a  little  knowledge 
concerning  the  neighbors  of  my  owner, 
that  they  may  be  able  to  judge  of  slavery 
by  something  more  than  the  character  of  one 
slaveholder,  or  his  management  among  his  slaves. 

Edloe's  farm  was  what  was  called  Upper  Brandon, 
on  James  River.  It  consisted  of  about  fifty-six 
square  miles,  and  was  worked  by  eighty-one  slaves. 

William  B.  Harrison  owned  Middle  Brandon. 
His  farm  was  about  one  hundred  square  miles.  He 
owned  over  two  hundred  slaves.  Of  their  treatment 
I  shall  speak,  and  also  of  the  numerous  overseers  he 
had  employed. 

George  B.  Harrison,  the  owner  of  my  father, 
owned  Lower  Brandon.  His  farm  was  the  same  in 
size  as  his  brother's  and  he  owned  the  same  number 
of  slaves. 

William  B.  Harrison  fed  his  slaves  what  is  called 
" regular"  in  Virginia;  he  was  one  of.  the  best 
feeders  on  James  River.    He  clothed  them  well, 


FARMS  ADJOINING  EBL01  S. 


165 


too ;  but  he  was  a  great  flogger,  and  probably  the 
greatest  in  the  region.  In  his  dealings  with  those 
who  were  not  slaves,  he  was  upright,  never  deceiv- 
ing, but  always  doing  as  he  agreed.  If  any  other 
case  than  slavery  came  before  him,  he  would  make 
a  liberal  decision  in  favor  of  right ;  but  he  would 
have  his  slaves  whipped  whenever  the  overseer 
wished  it.  Sometimes  he  would  go  to  church  and 
preach  to  his  slaves.  I  have  heard  him  myself,  but, 
my  readers,  it  did  seem  like  mocking  God  for  such 
as  he  to  stand  up  and  preach. 

The  first  overseer  of  Mr.  Harrison's  that  I  knew 
was  Benj.  Bishop.  Under  his  reign,  many  of  the 
slaves  went  into  the  presence  of  their  God,  to  show 
the  bloody  stripes  of  the  lash  received  from  Ben. 
Bishop.  Harrison  did  not  care  for  his  slaves  as  the 
man  who  owned  me  did,  but  left  them  to  the  mercy 
of  the  overseers.  Go  to  the  South,  reader !  there 
you  will  see  many  mulattoes,  the  descendants  of  Ben. 
Bishop.  He  continued  with  Harrison  several  years, 
when,  being  sent  down  to  Richmond  to  sell  some 
Negroes,  he  made  one  hundred  dollars  more  than  he 
was  to  pay  his  employer;  therefore,  he  concluded  to 
take  the  business  of  human  traffic  into  his  own 
hands,  and  become  a  "nigger  trader".  He  was  not 
very  successful  in  his  undertaking,  being  too  fond  of 
what  is  called  " toddy"  in  tne  Southern  States.  He 
became  a  great  drunkard  and  a  great  gambler  (vices 
intimately  connected  with  the  "peculiar  institu- 
tion "),  and  was  obliged  to  give  up  his  business. 


166 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


He  was  afterward  employed  by  Edloe,  my  master ; 
but  he  did  not  live  with  him  long  before  he  was  dis- 
charged, for  his  unmerciful  treatment  of  the  blacks. 

Death  called  to  him  soon,  and  he  was  ushered 
into  the  awful  presence  of  the  righteous  Judge  (who 
listens  to  the  cries  of  the  poor  widows,  and  the 
orphans),  with  his  guilty  hands  dripping  with  the 
blood  of  his  fellow-creatures,  who  had  sunk  groan- 
ing to  the  earth  beneath  his  barbed  heel  of  cruel 
oppression. 

The  next  man  who  took  charge  of  this  farm  was 
John  O.  Adams.  This  man  (notwithstanding  his 
noble  name)  was  a  disgrace  to  civilization ;  for  when 
he  had  beaten  his  victims  till  their  bodies  could  bear 
no  more,  he  would  lash  the  bottoms  of  their  feet. 
My  readers,  this  may  seem  incredible,  but  it  is 
truth.  Harrison's  slaves  trembled  at  the  very  men- 
tion of  his  name,  and  the  sight  of  him  would  bring 
woe  and  terror  to  their  very  souls ;  the  poor  crea- 
tures would  wish  that  the  earth  would  open  and 
swallow  them,  that  they  might  never  look  upon  the 
face  of  Adams  again,  or  hear  the  sound  of  his  voice. 
His  voice  had  all  the  fearful  sound  of  the  roaring 
lion,  and  the  hideous  howl  of  the  prowling  wolf. 
I  verily  believe  his  organs  of  speech  were  made  of 
the  hardest  granite,  fastened  together  with  mons- 
trous iron  bolts.  As  his  victims  were  dripping  with 
their  own  blood,  he  would  bellow  forth  his  curses, 
and  dare  them  to  call  on  God  for  help.  Groanings 
and  sorrow,  pains  and  misery  untold,  unspeakable, 


FARMS  ADJOINING  EDLOE'S. 


1G7 


were  the  portion  of  the  Negroes  upon  Harrison's 
plantation. 

Adams  practised  everything  that  was  mean,  cruel, 
devilish,  everything  that  could  be  thought  of  by 
demons.  This  conduct  continued  eleven  years 
before  I  left  Virginia,  in  1847.  I  could  give  a  great 
many  more  truths  concerning  this  J.  O.  Adams,  that 
may  seem  too  outrageous  for  a  human  being  to  con- 
ceive. I  would  not  do  injustice  to  anyone,  not 
even  a  slave-driver,  for  I  know  I  must  stand  at 
the  bar  of  the  Eternal,  and  render  an  account  of 
every  word  spoken  in  the  flesh.  I  know  that, 
in  order  to  do  good,  my  testimony  must  be  the 
truth. 

The  next  overseer  was  Harden  Harrison.  He 
owned  three  slaves  himself;  but  was  very  religious, 
and  belonged  to  the  Presbyterian  Church.  He  did 
not  beat  so  much  as  Adams,  but  was  very  strict 
with  the  slaves.  He  used  to  say  his  prayers  every 
night,  and  grace  before  his  meals.  Sometimes  his 
grace  failed  him,  and  then  the  poor  slave  must 
expect  something  more  than  soft  words  or  gentle 
treatment.  He  never  yet  had  grace  sufficient  to 
excuse  any  little  fault  in  a  Negro.  He  used  to 
quote  Moses'  law  to  whip  by.  His  face  was  very 
narrow  and  hypocritical. 

He  had  just  enough  of  professed  religion  to 
deceive.  He  was  one  of  those  calculated  to  deceive 
northern  visitors,  who  saw  him  go  on  with  his  sol- 
emn ceremonies  of  religion,  to  make  them  believe 


168         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


that  good  and  religious  men  guided  the  poor  igno- 
rant blacks,  and  kept  them  from  sinking  entirely  into 
the  blackness  of  heathenism.  Then  Mr.  Harrison 
would  take  just  enough  of  his  toddy  to  make  him 
feel  as  good  as  anybody  else.  He  lived  with  Mr. 
W.  B.  Harrison  as  long  as  he  wished,  then  left  and 
went  home  to  his  own  farm. 

The  next  overseer  was  named  Edloe.  He  used 
to  call  himself  the  "  snapping-turtle ",  and  would 
raw-hide  the  slaves  so  they  would  be  obliged  to  wind 
cotton  around  their  persons,  to  protect  their  wounds 
from  their  clothing.  Of  other  things  of  which  he 
was  guilty,  delicacy  forbids  me  to  speak;  judge  for 
yourselves.  He  continued  there  three  years,  and 
was  at  it  when  I  left  Virginia. 

One  more  of  these  men  I  have  not  mentioned, 
whose  name  was  Ladd.  It  should  have  been 
" Hornet".  I  cannot  speak  of  the  actions  of  this 
man,  without  a  shrinking  from  the  fact  that  I  ever 
knew  such  a  being.  He  made  men  and  women  to 
growl  and  bark  like  dogs.  At  all  hours  of  the  night, 
you  might  find  Ladd  in  the  woods,  with  his  dogs, 
prowling  abouts  after  some  skulking  fugitive,  and  all 
day  driving  and  whipping  the  persecuted  victims,  till 
they  were  almost  driven  to  self-murder,  which  noth- 
ing but  the  belief  that  those  who  take  their  own 
lives  cannot  be  happy  in  another  world  kept  them 
from.  The  slaves  used  to  run  away  to  Edloe,  and 
get  him  to  go  and  beg  mercy  for  them,  and  he  would 
do  so.    For  two  years,  Ladd  managed  in  this  way ; 


FARMS  ADJOINING  £D  LOU'S.  169 


then  the  great  Judge  called  him  from  earth,  to  give 
an  account  of  his  bloody  deeds. 

Some  of  my  readers  may  ask  why  we  were  always 
afflicted  with  such  horrid  men,  as  overseers,  in  our 
region,  and  if  there  were  no  good  ones.  Ah,  dear 
reader,  do  you  think  a  good  man  would  take  such  a 
position?  And  what  man  is  there  who  would  not 
become  worse  daily  by  being  placed  in  such  a  situa- 
tion, with  unlimited  power  over  hundreds  of  abject 
beings  whom  he  looks  upon  as  only  a  little  above 
the  brute  ?  Ah,  ye  who  look  coolly  on  in  the  dis- 
tance, and  doubt  the  existence  of  all  this  wretched- 
ness, go  nearer,  become  yourself  the  property  of 
another,  and  then  your  doubts  will  be  removed  ! 

The  first  overseer  I  knew  of  on  George  Harrison's 
plantation  was  Charles  Charbour.  "Devilish"  is 
the  only  word  which  will  describe  his  character.  My 
father  was  a  colored  driver  under  him,  and  he  was 
made  to  beat  his  fellow  slaves  most  unmercifully,  and 
there  was  no  escape,  unless  he  would  have  submitted 
to  a  worse  fate,  if  possible,  for  himself.  Charbour 
has  been  known  to  cut  the  skin  with  a  knife  from 
the  poor  black  man's  feet,  that  he  might  not  run 
away,  or  that  the  saying,  "I  will  cut  off  every  inch 
of  your  black  hide,"  might  be  literally  fulfilled. 
Truly,  he  was  one  toward  whom  the  blood  of  the 
slave  will  cry,  whenever  he  approaches  those  fields 
of  labor,  or  wanders  by  the  swamps,  or  by  the  river- 
side. There  was  no  peace  for  man,  woman  or  child, 
wherever  he  followed. 


170 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


Harrison,  who  owned  the'Sjaves,  was  a  young  man 
at  this  time,  and  cared  for  nothing,  so  Charbour  had 
everything  his  own  way.  God  in  his  mercy  visited 
this  farm  with  a  great  calamity.  The  cholera  came 
among  the  slaves,  and  carried  many  to  their  rest. 
The  very  atmosphere,  at  this  time,  seemed  to  burn 
with  evil  and  wrong  for  the  poor  Negroes,  so  that 
death  was  their  best  friend.  Many  of  my  father's 
relations  were  owned  here,  and  well  we  knew  of  the 
sufferings  which  their  owner  allowed,  and  sought  no 
means  to  alleviate. 

Harrison's  conduct  at  last  made  him  an  object  of 
scorn  and  indignation  to  most  of  the  people  who 
knew  him.  One  day,  he  was  on  business  at  the 
court  house,  and  while  he  was  seated  among  many 
gentlemen,  who  were  strangers  to  him,  they  com- 
menced a  conversation  about  " young  Harrison", 
and  his  abominable  course  in  regard  to  his  people. 
Very  freely  they  discussed  his  character,  and  he  had 
the  benefit  of  their  opinion  from  their  own  mouths. 
He  went  home  rather  humbled,  and  commenced  the 
work  of  reformation  on  his  plantation.  Charbour 
was  forbidden  to  whip  so  much,  and  the  slaves  were 
really  treated  better.  That  season  was  to  the  slaves 
what  the  conversion  of  Paul  was  to  the  church  he 
had  persecuted  —  there  was  rest  for  a  little  season. 
Shortly  after  this  sudden  change  in  Geo.  Harrison, 
he  died,  when  the  clouds  of  darkness  again  fell  about 
those  poor  Negroes.  His  brother  became  the  guard- 
ian of  the  estate,  and  everything  was  left  in  the 


FARMS  ADJOINING  EDLOE 'S. 


171 


hands  of  overseers,  who  used  their  power  as  bad 
men  might  be  expected  to. 

Another  neighbor  of  ours,  or  rather,  of  my  mas- 
ter's, was  his  brother.  His  plantation  was  called 
Willow  Hill,  and  was  very  large.  This  Mr.  Edloe 
owned  two  farms  (one  in  Cumberland  Co.),  and  a 
great  many  slaves.  Many  of  these  slaves  were 
related  to  me,  and  those  of  my  fellows  who  came 
North  with  me. 

William  Allen  owned  a  large  farm  across  from 
Lower  Brandon,  in  Surrey  Co.,  called  Claremont. 
He  also  owned  twelve  other  farms,  and  nine  hun- 
dred and  ninety-nine  slaves.  He  was  uncle  to 
Edloe,  my  owner,  and  was  considered  the  richest 
man  in  Virginia,  except  old  Bob  Boiling,  of  Peters- 
burg. He  was  not  a  good  man.  He  was  possessed 
of  none  of  the  virtues,  but  some  of  the  vices  of  King 
Solomon.  He  was  very  iond  of  the  young  females, 
yet  he  was  married  to  no  one.  He  was  very  cruel 
to  his  people,  and  used  what  is  called  the  bell  and 
horns  on  his  slaves,  to  keep  them  from  running 
away.  He  used  to  chain  them  together  with  a  long 
chain,  with  heavy  fastenings  at  the  end  of  the  chain. 
The  bell  and  horns  were  a  harness  made  so  as  to  fas- 
ten on  the  slave's  neck,  with  a  band  of  iron  that 
would  go  round  the  neck,  to  which  was  attached 
another  band  that  passed  over  the  top  of  the  head, 
about  three  feet  perpendicular,  then  turned  with  a 
hook,  so  as  to  hook  over  the  limbs  of  trees,  if  the 
slave  should  attempt  running  in  the  swamps,  out  of 


172 


SKETCHES  0^-  SLAVE  LIFE. 


sight  of  the  overseer.  He  always  kept  a  good  stock 
of  them  on  hand,  to  use  as  you  would  use  bells  for 
cows,  that  you  might  find  them  easily,  if  they  strayed. 

Some  of  his  slaves  were  put  to  death  by  his  over- 
seers, but  he  did  not  trouble  himself  about  it  —  he 
had  plenty  more.  Ah,  my  readers  !  more  blood  has 
been  drawn  from  Allen's  slaves  than  he  would  be 
willing  to  carry  upon  his  shoulders  for  one  moment. 

He  was  very  close  with  his  slaves  with  regard  to 
food  and  clothes,  and  those  who  lived  along  the 
rivers  used  to  catch  fish  at  stolen  moments,  so  as  to 
keep  themselves  along,  from  time  to  time,  until 
Allen  died.  When  that  occurred,  Edloe  immedi- 
ately went  over,  and  freed  all  the  poor  creatures 
from  their  harnesses,  leg-irons,  and  handcuffs. 
Allen  had  freed  his  colored  sons,  and  about  eight 
others.  The  rest  of  his  slaves  he  gave  to  one  of  his 
nephews,  named  William  Allen.  He  gave  one  of 
his  farms  to  be  divided  among  all  his  relations. 
Edloe  was  one,  and  he  drew  eighteen  of  those 
slaves,  who  were  all  freed  with  myself.  The  rest 
went  to  drudge  with  their  new  masters,  under  a 
bondage  worse  than  Egyptian. 

CABIN  POINT. 

There  was  but  one  village  near  Brandon,  where 
the  large  farms  were  cultivated,  and  that  was  in 
Surrey  County,  about  seven  miles  from  Lower  Bran- 
don. This  village  was  called  "  Cabin  Point ",  and 
there  the  United  States  mail  stopped.    Five  or  six 


FARMS  ADJOINING  ELLOE'S.  173 


stores  were  kept  there,  and  it  was  a  great  place  for 
loafers ;  for  at  these  stores  you  could  buy  almost 
everything,  especially  rum  and  other  liquors.  Sat- 
urdays and  Sundays,  all  the  lower  class  of  whites 
and  free  colored  people  used  to  assemble  there,  to 
drink  and  gamble.  No  slaves  were  allowed  there, 
unless  sent  by  their  masters,  with  a  pass. 

" Cabin  Point"  was  famous  for  its  fighting,  drunk- 
enness, and  every  kind  of  degradation.  The  whites 
beat  the  free  colored  people  there,  and  they  dare 
not  raise  their  hands,  lest  they  should  be  mobbed. 
Females  were  not  safe  there  an  instant ;  nothing 
could  protect  them  from  the  violence  of  those 
drunken  desperadoes.  If  any  good  man  from  the 
North  should  witness  one  of  these  scenes,  he  would 
think  it  indicative  of  anything  but  civilization. 

This  place  was  the  rendezvous  for  all  the  rowdies 
of  Prince  George  and  Surrey  Counties.  There  the 
overseers  would  meet  for  their  drunken  revels,  and 
return  to  the  farms,  to  make  the  backs  of  the  out- 
raged Negroes  pay  the  bills  for  their  debauchery. 

There  were  many  wealthy  men  there,  who  owned 
many  human  beings.  The  most  prominent  among 
them  were  Mr.  Peters,  A.  Sledge,  Dr.  Strong,  and 
Dr.  Graves. 

Dr.  Graves  was  so  cruel  and  wicked,  he  would  not 
take  time  even  to  whip  his  slaves,  but  would  use  his 
knife  on  them.  He  would  chain  them  on  their 
backs,  and  give  them  nothing  to  eat  for  two  or  three 
days  at  a  time.    He  was  called  the  best  physician  in 


174  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


the  place,  but  he  was  as  good  a  devil  as  I  shoulO"" 
wish  to  see.  He  was  employed  by  all  the  large 
farmers  to  attend  their  slaves  in  sickness,  and  was 
very  fond  of  the  female  slaves,  to  whom  he  was  a 
good  doctor.  I  will  not  spend  time  to  write  more  of 
him  ;  he  was  so  wicked,  my  feelings  become  excited, 
and  language  fails  me  in  speaking  of  him. 

Dr.  Strong  was  a  mild  man  —  as  fine  a  man  as  I 
ever  knew  among  slave-holders.  He  was  not  cruel ; 
he  looked  upon  his  Negroes  as  human  beings,  pos- 
sessed of  feelings,  and  as  capable  of  enjoyment  and 
suffering  as  himself,  and  he  treated  them  kindly. 
He  appeared  to  be  a  Christian  ;  but  still,  he  held  his 
fellow-men  in  bondage  ;  he  did  not  allow  them  to  act 
for  themselves  and  work  for  themselves.  Even 
kind-hearted  Dr.  Strong  could  not  live  out  the  pre- 
cepts of  Jesus  and  remain  a  slave-holder.  He  was 
succeeded  by  Dr.  Gray,  who,  though  a  very  strict 
man  among  his  people,  was  not  cruel. 

Mr.  Peters  was  not  as  bad  as  many  other  slave- 
holders, though  he  used  to  whip  his  slaves  to  keep 
them  tame,  for  fear  they  would  run  wild.  Mr. 
Peters  was  a  mild  whipping  slave-holder,  died  a 
slave-holder,  and  will  receive  a  slave-holder's  reward. 

Amos  Sledge  was  very  cruel  and  inhuman  in  the 
treatment  of  his  people.  He  worked  them  very 
hard,  fed  them  very  poorly,  clothed  them  but  scant- 
ily, whipped  them  unmercifully,  and  allowed  them 
no  privileges.  They  were  a  downcast,  heart-broken 
set  of  people. 


OVERSEERS. 


175 


CHAPTER  IV. 

OVERSEERS. 

HE  first  overseer  I  served  under  was  Henry 
Hallingwork,  a  cruel  and  a  bad  man.  He 
often  whipped  my  mother  and  the  chil- 
dren, and  worked  the  slaves  almost  day  and  night, 
in  all  weather.  The  men  had  no  comfort  with  their 
wives,  for  any  of  the  latter  who  pleased  him,  he 
would  take  from  their  husbands,  and  use  himself. 
If  any  refused  his  lewd  embraces,  he  treated  them 
with  the  utmost  barbarity.  At  night,  he  watched 
the  slaves'  huts,  to  find  out  if  they  said  anything 
against  him,  or  had  any  food  except  what  he  had 
allowed  them  ;  and  if  he  discovered  anything  he  dis- 
liked, they  were  severely  whipped.  He  continued 
this  conduct  for  about  three  years,  when  Mr.  Edloe 
discovered  it,  and  discharged  him. 

The  next  overseer  who  lived  on  the  plantation  did 
not  treat  the  people  so  badly  as  did  Hallingwork, 
but  he  drove  them  very  hard,  and  watched  them 
very  closely,  to  see  that  they  took  nothing  but  their 


176         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


allowance.  He  only  lived  there  two  years,  when  he — 
was  discharged  for  misconduct. 

The  next  overseer,  a  man  named  Harris,  only 
remained  about  six  months ;  his  cruelty  was  so 
great,  it  came  to  Mr.  Edloe's  ear,  and  he  was 
discharged. 

The  successor  of  Harris  was  L.  Hobbs.  He  was 
very  cruel  to  the  people,  especially  to  all  women 
who  would  not  submit  to  him.  He  used  to  bind 
women  hand  and  foot,  and  whip  them  until  the 
blood  ran  down  to  the  earth,  and  then  wash  them 
down  in  salt  and  water,  and  keep  them  tied  all  day, 
when  Edloe  was  not  at  home.  He  used  to  take  my 
cousin  and  tie  her  up  and  whip  her  so  she  could  not 
lie  down  to  rest  at  night  until  her  back  got  well. 
All  this  was  done  on  Edloe's  plantation,  the  good 
slave-holder  who  owned  me;  and  the  other  slave- 
holders used  to  say  to  him  that  he  "spoiled  his 
niggers";  but  this  was  the  way  he  spoiled  them. 
Hobbs  continued  this  ill-treatment  for  the  space  of 
three  years,  then  he  was  turned  off.  Thus  ends  the 
history  of  Hobbs  on  Edloe's  plantation,  with  the 
exception  of  leaving  what  are  termed  "mulattoes " 
in  Virginia. 

The  fifth  overseer  was  B.  F.  Bishop.  He  came 
to  the  plantation  as  a  tyrant,  and  proved  himself 
such  to  men,  women  and  children.  He  reigned 
tyrannically  for  one  year,  and  did  many  things 
which  decency  will  not  permit  me  to  speak  of.  He, 
and  all  of  the  overseers,  were  in  the  habit  of  steal- 


OVERSEERS. 


177 


ing  from  their  employer,  and  the  colored  people 
knew  it,  but  their  informing  Edloe  would  have  done 
no  good,  for  he  could  not  believe  a  slave.  Accord- 
ing to  the  laws  of  Virginia,  the  testimony  of  a  slave 
against  an  overseer  could  not  be  taken.  This  Benj. 
Bishop  reigned  "monarch  of  all  he  surveyed" 
(doing  as  he  chose  in  everything  —  cruel  as  cruel 
could  be )  one  year,  when  he  was  discharged. 

The  sixth  overseer  was  R.  Lacv,  a  native  of 
Charles  City,  Va.  He  reigned  seven  years.  I  can- 
not describe  to  my  readers  the  malice  and  madness 
with  which  this  being  treated  Edloe's  slaves.  You 
c.-nnot  find  his  parallel  in  history,  except  it  be  in 
Nero  or  Caligula.  Indeed,  he  was  a  very  wicked 
man,  and  a  hypocrite.  I  cannot  point  to  one  good 
deed  he  ever  performed.  He  would  enter  the 
houses,  and  bind  men  and  women,  and  inflict  torture 
upon  them,  whether  innocent  or  guilty.  The  blood 
of  innocent  slaves  is  yet  crying  to  the  God  of  justice 
to  avenge  their  sufferings,  and  pour  out  deserved 
judgment  upon  the  head  of  Lacy. 

The  seventh  overseer  was  P.  Vaughn.  He  was 
cruel,  but  not  so  much  so  as  some  of  the  others  had 
been.  He  was  too  fond  of  rum  and  the  females,  so 
Edloe  gave  him  his  walking  ticket. 

The  eighth  overseer  was  J.  G.  Harrison.  He  was 
with  Mr.  Edloe  at  the  time  of  his  decease.  Harri- 
son was,  like  others  in  his  station,  hard  and  unmer- 
ciful. He  made  his  dogs  tear  and  bite  my  mother 
very  badly.    She  died  soon  after,  and  was  freed 


178 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


from  her  tormentors,  at  rest  from  her  labors,  and 
rejoicing  in  heaven. 

This  same  Harrison  shot  one  of  Edloe's  men, 
because  he  would  not  submit  to  the  lash ;  but  no 
one  said  anything  to  Harrison  about  his  conduct. 
(He  did  not  kill  the  man.  Although  shot,  he  is 
now  living  in  Charlestown,  Mass.  His  name  is 
Wyatt  Lee.    He  is  well  known  in  Boston.) 


FOOD  AND  CLOTHING. 


I  shall  now  show  what  the  slaves  have  to  eat  and 
wear.  They  have  one  pair  of  shoes  for  the  year; 
if  these  are  worn  out  in  two  months,  they  get  no 
more  that  year,  but  must  go  barefooted  the  rest  of 
the  year,  through  cold  and  heat.  The  shoes  are 
very  poor  ones,  made  by  one  of  the  slaves,  and  do 
not  last  more  than  two  or  three  months.  One  pair 
of  stockings  is  allowed  them  for  the  year ;  when 
these  are  gone,  they  have  no  more,  although  it  is 
cold  in  Virginia  for  five  months.  They  have  one 
suit  of  clothes  for  the  year.  This  is  very  poor; 
indeed,  and  made  by  the  slaves  themselves  on  the" 
plantation.  It  will  not  last  more  than  three  months, 
and  then  the  poor  slave  gets  no  more  from  the 
slave-holder,  if  he  go  naked.  This  suit  consists  of 
one  shirt,  one  pair  of  pants,  one  pair  of  socks,  one 
pair  of  shoes,  and  no  vest  at  all.  The  slave  has  a 
hat  given  him  once  in  two  years  ;  when  this  is  worn 
out,  he  gets  no  more  from  the  slave-holder,  but  must 


OVERSEERS. 


179 


go  bareheaded  till  he  can  get  one  somewhere  else. 
Perhaps  the  slave  will  get  him  a  skin  of  some  kind, 
and  make  him  a  hat. 

The  food  of  the  slaves  is  this  :  every  Saturday 
night,  they  receive  two  pounds  of  bacon,  and  one 
peck  and  a  half  of  corn  meal,  to  last  the  men 
through  the  week.  The  women  have  one  half  pound 
of  meat,  and  one  peck  of  meal,  and  the  children  one 
half  peck  each.  When  this  is  gone,  they  can  have 
no  more  till  the  end  of  the  week.  This  is  very  little 
food  for  the  slaves.  They  have  to  beg  when  they 
can;  when  they  cannot,  they  must  suffer.  They 
are  not  allowed  to  go  off  the  plantation  ;  if  they  do 
and  are  caught,  they  are  whipped  very  severely,  and 
what  they  have  begged  is  taken  from  them. 


7 

/  . 

180.        SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


CHAPTER  V. 

CUSTOMS    OF    THE    SLAVES,    WHEN    ONE    OF  THEIR 
NUMBER  DIES. 


HEY  go  to  the  overseer,  and  obtain  leave  to 
sit  up  all  night  with  their  dead,  and  sing 
and  pray.  This  is  a  very  solemn  season. 
First,  one  sings  and  another  prays,  and  this  they 
continue  every  night  until  the  dead  body  is  buried. 
One  of  the  slaves  makes  the  coffin  —  and  a  very  bad 
one  it  generally  is.  Some  wheat  straw  is  put  in  the 
coffin,  and  if  they  can  get  it,  they  wrap  the  body  in 
a  piece  of  white  cloth  ;  if  they  cannot  get  it,  they 
put  the  body  in  the  coffin  without  anything  around 
it.  Then  they  nail  up  the  coffin,  and  put  it  in  a 
cart,  which  is  drawn  by  oxen  or  mules,  and  carried 
to  the  grave.  As  they  have  no  tombs,  they  put  all 
the  slaves  in  the  earth.  If  the  slave  who  died  was  a 
Christian,  the  rest  of  the  Christians  among  them 
feel  very  glad,  and  thank  God  that  brother  Charles, 
or  brother  Ned,  or  sister  Betsey,  is  at  last  free,  and 
gone  home  to  heaven  —  where  bondage  is  never 


CUSTOMS  OF  TEE  SLAVES. 


181 


known.  Some,  who  are  left  behind,  cry  and  grieve 
that  they,  too,  cannot  die,  and  throw  off  their  yoke 
of  slavery,  and  join  the  company  of  the  brother  or 
sister  who  has  just  gone. 

When  the  overseer  is  in  good  humor,  he  will  let 
all  the  people  go  to  look  the  last  time  upon  their 
relative ;  if  he  is  ill-tempered,  he  will  not  let  the 
slaves  go  at  all ;  so  it  all  depends  upon  the  state  of 
mind  the  overseer  is  in,  whether  the  child  is  permit- 
ted to  look  upon  the  remains  of  its  parent,  the  hus- 
band upon  his  wife,  the  mother  upon  her  child,  or 
any  other  dear  relative.  Ah,  my  readers !  think  of 
this,  and  see  the  cruelty  of  the  "peculiar  institu- 
tion". Slaves  have  tender  human  feelings — very 
warm  and  tender  they  are  ;  but  it  matters  not  how 
sorrowful  and  heavy  a  heart  the  poor  Negro  mayj 
have,  he  cannot  see  his  lifeless  friends  unless  the* 
slave-holder  wills  it. 
<^  When  several  of  the  slaves  die  together,  the 
others  go  to  their  owner,  and  ask  him  to  let  them 
have  a  funeral.  Most  of  the  owners  will  grant 
their  slaves  this  privilege.  When  the  owner  and 
overseer  give  their  consent,  the  slave-holder  sends  a 
note  to  a  white  preacher;  then  they  set  the  day,  and 
the  slaves  make  ready  for  the  funeral  services  over 
their  friends. 

The  slaves  go  to  the  woods,  and  make  seats  to  sit 
upon  (this  is  done  Saturday  night).  When  the 
seats  are  prepared,  they  are  left  till  the  slaves  take 
their  seats  upon  them,  and  sit  until  about  ten 


182  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


o'clock,  when  the  slave-holding  minister  comes,  and 
preaches  about  one  hour  and  a  half.    Then  he  gives 
the  Negroes  liberty  to  sing  and  pray,  and  he  stands 
by  them.    This  is  to  keep  the  slaves  from  their  mas- 
ter, because  they  are  not  allowed  to  meet  together, 
except  a  white  man  be  present.    At  the  funeral,  all 
the  slaves  from  the  adjoining  plantations  obtain 
passes  from  their  overseers,  and  come  ;  so  this  is 
really  a  great  day  for  the  poor  blacks  to  see  each 
other.    If  their  hearts  are  sad,  they  are  happy  to  see 
their  friends,  and  they  all  go  to  some  place,  and 
their  friends  receive  such  entertainment  as  it  is  in 
their  power  to  give.    They  stay  together  till  night 
draws  "on'^and  then   each  leaves  for   his  home. 
As  soo"n-"as  possible  after  the  funeral,  the  slaves 
must  go  to  their  work.   They  have  no  person  to  speak 
a  word  of  comfort  to  them,  to  cheer  their  heavy 
hearts ;  but  they  must  go  on  working  and  mourning 
all  the  day  and  night.    If  they  had  some  one  to 
sympathize  with  them,  their  burden  would  be  light, 
ened  ;  but  no  one  cares  for  the  tears  of  the  widow, 
the  sighs  of  the  disconsolate  husband,  the  sobbing 
cries  of  the  mother,  whose  little  son  or  daughter  has 
been  taken  from  her.    No  one  pities  the  widow's 
son,  that  his  mother  (who  labored  all  her  life  for  the 
slave-holder,  and  for  her  son,  when  she  could  get  an 
opportunity)  is  gone  to  the  grave,  leaving  her  only 
one  behind,  to  toil  on  yet  longer  beneath  the  lash  of 
tyrant  overseers,  and  at  the  mercy  of  unfeeling 
slave-holders.    Ah,  my  readers !  even  in  the  grave 


CUSTOMS  OF  THE  SLAVES.  183 


there  is  more  comfort  to  the  sad  ones  afflicted,  than 
in  the  prison-house  of  hopeless  slavery.  Once,  oh, 
northern  reader,  visit  the  auction-block,  and  all 
that  is  human  within  your  soul  will  be  aroused,  and 
you  will  feel  and  know  what  American  slavery  is. 


184         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


CHAPTER  VI. 

SLAVES  ON  THE  AUCTION-BLOCK. 


|HE  auctioneer  is  crying  the  slave  to  the 
highest  bidder.  "Gentlemen,  here  is  a 
'  very  fine  boy  for  sale.  He  is  worth  twelve 
hundred  dollars.  His  name  is  Emanuel.  He 
belongs  to  Deacon  William  Harrison,  who  wants 
to  sell  him  because  his  overseer  don't  like  him. 
How  much,  gentlemen  —  how  much  for  this  boy? 
He's  a  fine,  hearty  nigger.  Bid  up,  bid  up,  gentle- 
men ;  he  must  be  sold."  Some  come  up  to  look  at 
him,  pull  open  his  mouth  to  examine  his  teeth,  and 
see  if  they  are  good.  Poor  fellow !  he  is  handled 
and  examined  like  any  piece  of  merchandise ;  but  he 
must  bear  it.  Neither  tongue  nor  hand,  nor  any 
other  member,  is  his  own  —  why  should  he  attempt 
to  use  another's  property  ? 

Again  the  bidder  goes  on  :  "I  will  give  one  thou- 
sand dollars  for  that  boy."  The  auctioneer  says, 
"Sir,  he  is  worth  twelve  hundred  at  the  lowest. 
Bid  up,  gentlemen,  bid  up;  going,  going  —  are  you 


SLAVES  ON  TEE  AUCTION-BLOCK.  185 


all  done?  —  once,  twice,  three  times — all  done?  — 

GONE  !  " 

See  the  slave-holder,  who  has  just  bought  the 
image  of  God,  come  to  his  victim,  and  take  posses- 
sion of  him.  Poor  Emanuel  must  go  away  from  his 
wife,  never  to  see  her  again.  All  the  ties  of  love 
are  severed ;  the  declaration  of  the  Almighty,  which 
said,  "What  God  hath  joined  together,  let  not  man 
put  asunder,"  is  unheeded,  and  he  must  leave  all  to 
follow  his  Christian  master,  a  member  of  the  Epis- 
copal Church  —  a  partaker,  from  time  to  time,  of 
the  Lord's  Sacrament.  Such  men  mock  religion 
and  insult  God.  Oh,  that  God  would  rend  the  heav- 
ens and  appear  unto  these  heartless  men  ! 

Next  comes  Jenny  and  her  five  children.  Her 
husband  was  sold  and  gone.  The  oldest  of  her  chil- 
dren is  a  girl  seventeen  years  old  —  her  name,  Lucy. 

Auctioneer — "Here,  gentlemen,  is  a  fine  girl  for 
sale :  how  much  for  her  ?  Gentlemen,  she  will  be  a 
fortune  for  anyone  who  buys  her  who  wants  to  raise 
niggers.  Bid  up,  gentlemen,  bid  up !  Fine  girl ; 
very  hearty ;  good  health  ;  only  seventeen  years  old  ; 
she's  worth  fifteen  hundred  dollars  to  anyone  who 
wants  to  raise  niggers.  Here's  her  mother;  she's 
had  nine  children ;  the  rest  of  them  are  sold.  How 
much,  gentlemen — how  much?    Bid  up!  bid  up!" 

Poor  Lucy  is  sold  away  from  all  the  loved  ones, 
and  goes  to  receive  the  worst  of  insults  from  her 
cruel  task-master.  Her  poor  mother  stands  by 
heart-broken,  with  tears  streaming  down  her  face.  .. 


186         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


Oh !  is  there  a  heart,  not  all  brutish,  that  can  wit- 
ness such  a  scene  without  falling  to  the  earth  with 
shame,  that  the  rights  of  his  fellow-creatures  are  so 
basely  trampled  upon  ?  The  seller  or  buyer  of  a 
human  being,  for  purposes  of  slavery,  is  not  human, 
and  has  no  right  to  the  name. 

The  next  " article"  sold  is  Harry,  a  boy  of  fifteen. 

Auctioneer — "  Gentlemen,  how  much  for  this 
boy  ?  He  is  an  honest  boy,  can* be  trusted  with  any- 
thing you  wish  ;  how  much  for  him  ?  " 

Harry  is  sold  from  his  mother,  who  is  standing 
watching  for  her  turn.  She  began  to  scream  out, 
"  Oh,  my  child!  my  child!"  Here  the  old  slave- 
holder said,  "Ah,  my  girl!  if  you  do  not  stop  that 
hollering,  I  will  give  you  something  to  holler  for." 
Poor  Jenny,  the  mother,  tried  to  suppress  her  grief, 
but  all  in  vain.  Harry  was  gone,  and  the  children 
cried  out,  "  Good-by,  Harry ;  good-by ! "  The 
broken-hearted  mother  sobbed  forth,  "  Farewell,  my 
boy;  try  to  meet  me  in  heaven." 

The  next  of  the  children  was  Mary.  She  was 
put  upon  the  block  and  sold.  Then  the  mother 
became  so  affected  that  she  seemed  like  one  crazy. 
So  the  old  rough  slave-holder  went  to  the  mother, 
and  began  to  lay  the  lash  upon  her ;  but  it  mattered 
not  to  her  —  her  little  Mary  was  gone,  and  now  her 
turn  had  come.  Oh,  mothers  who  sit  in  your  com- 
fortable homes,  surrounded  by  your  happy  children, 
think  of  the  poor  slave  mother,  robbed  so  cruelly  of 
her  all,  by  a  fate  worse  than  death !    Oh,  think  of 


SLAVES  ON  THE  AUCTION-BLOCK.  1S7 


her,  pray  for  her,  toil  for  her,  ever ;  teach  your 
blooming  daughters  to  think  with  compassion  of 
their  far-off  colored  sisters,  and  train  them  up  anti- 
slavery  women !  Teach  your  sons  the  woes  and 
burning  wrongs  of  slavery ;  make  them  grow  up 
earnest,  hard-working  anti-slavery  men.  When 
mothers  all  do  this,  we  may  hope  yet  to  live  in  a 
free  country. 

Wretched,  childless,  widowed  Jenny  was  placed 
upon  the  block  for  sale. 

Auctioneer — "  Gentlemen,  here  is  Jenny  —  how 
much  for  her  ?  She  can  do  good  work.  Now,  gen- 
tlemen, her  master  says  he  believes  her  to  be  a 
Christian,  a  very  pious  old  woman ;  and  she  will 
keep  everything  straight  around  her.  You  may 
depend  on  her.  She  will  neither  lie  nor  steal :  what 
she  says  may  be  believed.  Just  let  her  pray,  and 
she  will  keep  right." 

Here  Jesus  Christ  was  sold  to  the  highest  bidder ; 
sold  in  Jenny  to  keep  her  honest,  to  bring  gold  to 
the  slave-holder.  Jenny  was  sold  away  from  all  her 
little  children,  never  to  see  them  again.  Poor 
mother !  who  had  toiled  day  and  night  to  raise 
her  little  children,  feeling  all  a  mother's  affection 
for  them,  she  must  see  them  no  more  in  this  world ! 
She  feels  like  mourning  —  "like  Rachel  weeping  for 
her  children,  and  would  not  be  comforted,  because 
they  were  not."  So  she  commends  them  to  the  care 
of  the  God  of  the  widow  and  the  fatherless,  by  bath- 
ing her  bosom  in  tears,  and  giving  them  the  last 


188         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


affectionate  embrace,  with  the  advice  to  meet  her  in 
heaven.  Oh,  the  tears  of  the  poor  slave  that  are  in 
bottles,  to  be  poured  out  upon  his  blood-stained  nation, 
as  soon  as  the  cup  of  wrath  of  the  almighty  Avenger 
is  full,  when  he  shall  say,  "I  have  heard  the  groan- 
ings  of  my  people,  and  I  will  deliver  them  from  the 
oppressor !  " 

Slave-holders  carry  the  price  of  blood  upon  their 
backs  and  in  their  pockets ;  the  very  bread  they  eat 
is  the  price  of  blood ;  the  houses  they  live  in  are 
bought  with  blood  ;  all  the  education  they  have  isv 
paid  for  by  the  blood  and  sorrow  of  the  poor  slaves. 

In  parting  with  their  friends  at  the  auction-block, 
the  poor  blacks  have  the  anticipation  of  meeting 
them  again  in  the  heavenly  Canaan,  and  sing  — 

"  O,  fare  you  well,  O,  fare  you  well  ! 
God  bless  you  until  we  meet  again  ; 
Hope  to  meet  you  in  heaven,  to  part  no  more. 
Chorus —  Sisters,  fare  you  well;  sisters,  fare  you  well; 

God  Almighty  bless  you,  until  we  meet  again." 

Among  the  slaves  there  is  a  great  amount  of 
talent,  given  by  the  hand  of  Inspiration ;  talent,  too, 
which  if  cultivated,  would  be  of  great  benefit  to  the 
world  of  mankind.  If  these  large  minds  are  kept 
sealed  up,  so  that  they  cannot  answer  the  end  for 
which  they  were  made,  somebody  must  answer  for 
it  on  the  great  day  of  account.  Oh,  think  of  this, 
,my  readers !  Think  of  that  day  when  it  shall  be  said 
to  all  the  world,  "  Give  an  account  of  thy  steward- 


SLAVES  ON  TEE  AUCTION  BLOCK.  189 


ship ! "  Among  the  slaves  may  be  found  talents, 
which,  if  improved,  would  be  instrumental  in  carry- 
ing the  blessed  Gospel  of  Truth  to  distant  lands, 
and  in  bringing  the  people  to  acknowledge  the  true 
and  living  God.  But  all  has  been  crushed  down  by 
a  Christian  world,  and  by  the  Christian  Church. 
With  these  solemn  facts  written  against  this  nation, 
see  to  it,  my  readers,  before  this  iniquity  overthrow 
you,  and  it  be  too  late  to  repent. 

The  sin  of  holding  slaves  is  not  only  against* .one 
nation,  but  against  the  whole  world,  because  we  are 
here  to  do  one  another  good,  in  treating  each  other 
well ;  and  this  is  to  be  done  by  having  right  ideas  of 
God  and  his  religion.  But  this  privilege  is  denied  to 
three  millions  and  a  half  of  the  people  of  this,  our 
own  "free"  land.  The  slave-holders  say  we  have 
not  a  true  knowledge  of  religion ;  but  the  great 
Teacher  said,  when  he  came  on  his  mission,  "The 
Spirit  of  the  Lord  is  upon  me,  because  he  hath 
anointed  me  to  preach  the  Gospel  to  the  poor.  He 
hath  sent  me  to  heal  the  broken-hearted  ;  to  preach 
deliverance  to  the  captive,  and  recovering  of  sight 
to  the  blind  ;  to  set  at  liberty  them  that  are  bruised, 
and  to  preach  the  acceptable  year  of  the  Lord." 
This  ought  to  be  the  work  of  the  ministers  and  the. 
churches.  Anything  short  of  this  is  not  the  true 
religion  of  Jesus. 

This  is  the  great  commandment  of  the  New  Test- 
ament — "  Love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy 
heart,  and  thy  neighbor  as  thyself."    "Do  unto 


190         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


others  as  ye  would  that  they  should  do  to  you,"  is 
the  golden  rule  for  all  men  to  follow.  By  this  rule 
shall  all  men  be  judged.  We  have  got  to  hear, 
"Come,  ye  blessed;  depart,  ye  cursed!"  These 
are  my  convictions,  and  my  belief  of  the  religion  of 
Jesus,  the  wonderful  Counsellor  of  the  children  of 
the  created  Adam,  our  great  progenitor. 

In  view  of  these  things,  I  earnestly  beg  my  read- 
ers to  renew  their  interest  in  the  anti-slavery  cause, 
never  turning  a  deaf  ear  to  the  pleadings  of  the  poor 
slave,  or  to  those  who  speak,  however  feebly,  for 
him.  The  anti-slavery  cause  is  the  cause  of 
Humanity,  the  cause  of  Religion,  the  cause  of 
God! 


CITY  AND  TOWN  SLAVES.  191 


CHAPTER  VII. 


CITY  AND  TOWN  SLAVES. 


HE  slaves  in  the  cities  (Petersburg,  Rich- 
mond and  Norfolk,  in  Virginia)  do  not 
fare  so  hard  as  on  the  plantations,  where 
they  have  farming  work  to  do.  Most  of  the  town 
and  city  slaves  are  hired  out,  to  bring  in  money  to 
their  owners.  They  often  have  the  privilege  of  hir- 
ing themselves  out,  by  paying  their  owners  so  much, 
at  stated  times  —  say  once  a  week,  or  once  a  month. 
Many  of  them  are  employed  in  factories  and  work  at 
trades.  They  do  very  well,  for  if  they  are  industri- 
ous, they  can  earn  considerably  more  than  is  exacted 
of  them  by  their  owners.  All  can  dress  well,  have 
comfortable  homes,  and  many  can  read  and  write. 
Many  of  them  lay  up  money  to  purchase  either  their 
own  freedom  or  that  of  some  dear  one.  These 
slaves  are  not  subjected  to  the  lash  as  the  poor 
c/eatures  upon  the  plantations  are,  for  their  owners 
would  feel  (as  every  man  should  feel,  in  the  true 


192         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


sense)  their  dignity  fallen,  their  nobility  sullied,  by 
raising  the  whip  over  their  human  property. 

Slavery,  as  seen  here  by  the  casual  observer, 
might  be  supposed  not  to  be  so  hard  as  one  would 
imagine,  after  all  the  outcry  of  philanthropists,  who 
"sit  in  their  chimney-corners  amid  the  northern 
hills,  and  conjure  up  demoniac  shapes  and  fiendish 
spirits,  bearing  the  name  of  slave-holders."  But 
slavery  is  slavery,  wherever  it  is  found.  Dress  it- 
up  as  you  may,  in  the  city  or  on  the  plantation,  the 
human  being  must  feel  that  which  binds  him  to 
another's  will.  Be  the  fetters  of  silk,  or  hemp,  or 
iron,  all  alike  warp  the  mind  and  goad  the  soul. 

The  city  slave  may  escape  the  evil  eye  and  cruel 
lash  of  the  overseer,  but  if  he  offend  the  all-import- 
ant master,  there  is  retribution  for  him.  "  Hand 
this  note  to  Captain  Heart,"  (of  Norfolk),  or  "Cap- 
tain Thwing,"  (of  Petersburg) — and  well  does  the 
shrinking  slave  know  what  is  to  follow.  These 
last-mentioned  gentlemen  give  their  time  to,  and 
improve  their  talents  by,  laying  the  lash  upon  the 
naked  backs  of  men  and  women  ! 

Ah,  my  dear  readers!  take  what  side  you  will  of 
slavery — Dr.  Adams'  "South  side",  or  the  Aboli- 
tionist's North  side  —  there  is  but  one  side,  and  that 
is  dark,  dark.  You  may  think  you  see  bright  spots, 
but  look  at  the  surroundings  of  those  spots,  and  you 
will  see  nothing  but  gloom  and  darkness.  While 
toiling  industriously,  and  living  with  a  dear  family  in 
comparative  comfort  and  happiness,  the  city  slave 


CITY  AND  TOWN  SLAVES.  193 


(whose  lot  is  thought  to  be  so  easy)  suddenly  finds 
himself  upon  the  auction-block,  knocked  down  to  the 
highest  bidder,  and  carried  far  and  forever  from 
those  dearer  to  him  than  life ;  a  beloved  wife,  and 
tender,  helpless  children  are  all  bereft,  in  a  moment, 
of  husband,  father  and  protector,  by  a  fate  worse 
than  death;  —  and  for  what?  To  gratify  some 
spirit  of  revenge,  or  add  to  the  weight  of  the  already 
well-filled  purse  of  some  Christian  white  man,  who 
professes  ownership  in  his  fellow-man.  Wretch ! 
you  may  command,  for  a  season,  the  bones  and 
sinews  of  that  brother,  so  infinitely  your  superior ; 
but,  remember !  that  f  orm  is  animated  by  a  never- 
dying  spirit !  it  will  not  always  slumber !  A  God  of 
infinite  love  and  justice  reigns  over  all,  and  beholds 
your  unholy,  inhuman  traffic!  Believe  you,  justice 
will  triumph,  the  guilty  shall  not  go  unpunished  on 
the  earth !  the  righteous  are  to  be  recompensed, 
much  more  the  wicked  and  the  sinner. 

The  whipping-posts  are  the  monuments  of  the 
religion  and  greatness  of  the  southern  cities,  though 
none  but  the  basest  of  men  officiate  there ;  yet  they 
think  as  much  of  their  office  as  a  poor  conceited 
dandy  would  of  his,  were  he  raised  to  the  Presidency 
of  some  great  institution. 

Yet  with  the  knowledge  of  all  these  wrongs  con- 
stantly thrust  before  the  people,  they  willfully  shut 
their  eyes,  and  will  not  see ;  and  thousands  who 
walk  these  shores,  free  men,  support  by  word  and 
deed  this  abominable  wickedness !    Yes,  even  the 


194 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


ministers  of  our  religion  defend,  from  those  temples 
erected  for  the  worship  of  the  one  living  and  true 
God,  this  '.'domestic  institution!"  With  all  their 
official  sanctity,  they  enter  the  sacred  desk,  dedica- 
ted to  the  service  of  a  God  of  tender  mercies,  and 
consecrated  to  the  work  of  imparting  to  those  con- 
gregated before  it  the  teachings  of  that  pure  and 
holy  One,  who  preached  deliverance  to  the  captives, 
and  opened  the  eyes  of  the  blind,  who  rebuked  sin 
wherever  found  —  among  rulers  or  servants,  in  the 
synagogues,  the  halls  of  justice,  or  by  the  public 
ways  —  and,  instead  of  imitating  their  Divine  Mas- 
ter, the  American  clergy  uphold  these  crying  enor- 
mities of  the  "dear  people",  who  feed  and  pamper 
their  luxurious  appetites,  and  clothe  them  in  fine 
linen.yvAh,  my  readers!  I  was  once  a  slave,  and 
was  a  partaker  and  witness  of  all  its  horrors  till  I 
was  twenty-seven  years  old.  I,  in  my  ignorance, 
felt  that  I  was  called  of  God  to  preach  His  accept- 
able word  to  this  down-trodden  race.  Through  his 
mercy,  I  was  made  a  free  man,  and  now  resolve  to 
devote  my  life,  my  all,  to  the  spreading  of  the  truth 
in  regard  to  this  great  sin  of  our  nation.  And  Oh  ! 
it  makes  my  heart  ache,  when  I  see  and  hear  those 
men,  possessed,  all  their  lives,  of  every  advantage, 
receiving  their  education  at  our  seats  of  learning, 
stand  up  before  the  people,  as  lights  of  the  world, 
and  defend  the  slave-holder,  or  forever  hold  their 
peace  in  regard  to  the  plague-spot  of  slavery. 

What  right,  human  or  divine,  can  one  man  have 


CITY  AND  TOWN  SLAVES. 


195 


to  another,  who,  like  himself,  was  created  in  the 
glorious  image  of  our  common  Father  and  Creator? 
How  can  such  men  pray,  u  Our  Father"  ?  How  can 
they  talk  about  the  human  family,  and  the  great  day 
of  judgment  which  is  to  come?  Surely,  like  the 
false  prophets  of  old,  they  are  deceiving  the  people. 


196 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

RELIGIOUS  INSTRUCTION. 

ANY  say  the  Negroes  receive  religious  edu- 
cation—  that  Sabbath  worship  is  instituted 
for  them  as  for  others,  and  were  it  not 
for  slavery,  they  would  die  in  their  sins  —  that  really, 
the  institution  of  slavery  is  a  benevolent  missionary 
enterprise.  Yes,  they  are  preached  to,  and  I  will 
give  my  readers  some  faint  glimpses  of  these  preach- 
ers, and  their  doctrines  and  practices. 
,^In  Prince  George  County  there  were  two  meeting- 
houses intended  for  public  worship.  Both  were 
occupied  by  the  Baptist  denomination.  These 
houses  were  built  by  William  and  George  Harrison, 
brothers.  Mr.  G.  Harrison's  was  built  on  the  line 
of  his  brother's  farm,  that  their  slaves  might  go 
there  on  the  Sabbath  and  receive  instruction,  such 
as  slave-holding  ministers  would  giye>;  The  promi- 
nent preaching  to  the  slaves  was,"  " '  Servants,  obey 
your  masters'.  Do  not  steal  or  lie>  for  this  is  very 
wrong.    Such  conduct  is  sinning  against  the  Holy 


RELIGIOUS  INSTRUCTION.  197 


Ghost,  and  is  base  ingratitude  to  your  kind  masters, 
who  feed,  clothe  and  protect  you."  All  Gospel,  my 
readers !  It  was  great  policy  to  build  a  church  for 
the  "  dear  slave" ,  and  allow  him  the  wondrous  priv- 
ilege of  such  holy  instruction  !  Edloe's  slaves  some- 
times obtained  the  consent  of  Harrison  to  listen  to 
the  Sabbath  teachings  so  generously  dealt  out  to  his 
servants.  Shame!  shame!  to  take  upon  yourselves 
the  name  of  Christ,  with  all  that  blackness  of  heart. 
I  should  think,  when  making  such  statements,  the 
slave-holders  would  feel  the  rebuke  of  the  Apostle, 
and  fall  down  and  be  carried  out.  from  the  face  of 
day,  as  were  Ananias  and  Sapphira,  when  they 
betrayed  the  trust  committed  to  them,  or  refused  to 
bear  true  testimony  in  regard  to  that  trust. 
,  y  There  was  another  church,  about  fourteen  miles 
from  the  one  just  mentioned.  It  was  called  "Bran- 
don's church ",  and  there  the  white  Baptists  wor- 
shiped. Edloe's  slaves  sometimes  went  there.  The 
colored'  people  had  a  very  small  place  allotted  them 
to  sit  in,  so  they  used  to  get  as  near  the  window  as 
they  could  to  hear  the  preacher  talk  to  his  congre- 
gation. But  sometimes,  while  the  preacher  was 
exhorting  to  obedience,  some  of  those  outside  would 
be  selling  refreshments,  cake,  candy  and  rum/  and 
others  would  be  horse-racing.  This  was  the  way, 
my  readers,  the  Word  of  God  was  delivered  and 
received  in  Prince  George  County.  The  Gospel 
was  so  mixed  with  slavery,  that  the  people  could  see- 
no  beauty  in  it,  and  feel  no  reverence  for  it. 


198         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


There  wa9  one  Brother  Shell  who  used  to  preach. 
One  Sabbath,  while  exhorting  the  poor,  impenitent, 
hard-hearted,  ungrateful  slaves,  so  much  beloved  by 
their  masters,  to  repentance  and  prayerfulness,  while 
entreating  them  to  lead  good  lives,  that  they  might 
escape  the  wrath  (of  the  lash)  to  come,  some  of 
his  crocodile  tears  overflowed  his  cheek,  which  so 
affected  his  hearers,  that  they  shouted  and  gave 
thanks  to  God,  that  Brother  Shell  had  at  length  felt 
the  spirit  of  the  Lord  in  his  heart ;  and  many  went 
away  rejoicing  that  a  heart  of  stone  had  become 
softened.  But,  my  readers,  Monday  morning, 
Brother  Shell  was  afflicted  with  his  old  malady, 
hardness  of  heart,  so  that  he  was  obliged  to  catch 
one  of  the  sisters  by  the  throat,  and  give  her  a  terri- 
ble flogging. 

The  like  of  this  is  the  preaching,  and  these  are 
the  men  that  spread  the  Gospel  among  the  slaves. 
Ah  !  such  a  Gospel  had  better  be  buried  in  obliv- 
ion, for  it-  makes  more  heathens  than  Christians. 
Such  preachers  ought  to  be  forbidden  by  the  laws  of 
the  land  ever  to  mock  again  at  the  blessed  religion 
of  Jesus,  which  was  sent  as  a  light  to  the  world. 

Another  Sunday,  when  Shell  was  expounding 
(very  much  engaged  was  he  in  his  own  attempts 
to  enlighten  his  hearers),  their  was  one  Jem 
Fulcrum  became  so  enlightened  that  he  fell  from  his 
seat  quite  a  distance  to  the  floor.  Brother  Shell 
thought  he  had  preached  unusually  well  so  to  affect 
Jem ;  so  he  stopped  in  the  midst  of  his  sermon,  and 


RELIGIOUS  INSTRUCTION.  199 


asked,  "  Is  that  poor  Jemmy  ?  poor  fellow !  "  But, 
my  readers,  he  did  not  know  the  secret  —  brother 
Jem  had  fallen  asleep.  Poor  Shell  did  not  do  so 
much  good  as  he  thought  he  had,  so  Monday  morn- 
ing he  gave  Jem  enough  of  his  raw-hide  spirit  to 
last  him  all  the  week;  at  least,  till  the  next  Sab- 
bath, when  he  could  have  an  opportunity  to  preach 
to  him. 

I  could  only  think,  when  Shell  took  so  much 
glory  to  himself  for  the  effect  of  his  preaching  upon 
the  slaves,  of  the  man  who  owned  colored  Pompey. 
This  slave-holder  was  a  great  fighter  (as  most  of 
them  are),  and  had  prepared  himself  for  the  contest 
with  great  care,  and  wished  to  know  how  he  looked ; 
so  he  said,  "  Pompey,  how  do  I  look?"  "Oh, 
massa,  mighty  !  "  "  What  do  you  mean  by  '  mighty 
Pompey  ?  "  "  Why,  massa,  you  look  noble."  "  What 
do  you  mean  by  'noble'?"  "Why,  sar,  you  look 
just  like  one  lion."  "Why,  Pompey,  where  have 
you  ever  seen  a  lion  ? "  "  I  seen  one  down  in 
yonder  field  the  other  day,  massa."  "  Pompey,  you 
foolish  fellow,  that  was  a  jackass."  "Was  it, 
massa?    Well,  you  look  just  like  him." 

This  may  seem  very  simple  to  my  readers,  but 
surely,  nothing  more  noble  than  a  jackass,  without 
his  simplicity  and  innocence,  can  that  man  be,  who 
will  rise  up  as  an  advocate  of  this  system  of  wrong. 
He  who  trains  his  dogs  to  hunt  foxes,  and  enjoys 
the  hunt  or  the  horse-race  on  the  Sabbath,  who 
teaches  his  blood-hounds  to  follow  upon  the  track  of 


200  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


the  freedom-loving  Negro,  is  not  more  guilty  or 
immoral  than  he  who  stands  in  a  northern  pulpit, 
and  hunts  down  the  flying  fugitive,  or  urges  his 
hearers  to  bind  the  yoke  again  upon  the  neck  of  the 
escaped  bondman.  He  who  will  lisp  one  word  in 
favor  of  a  system  which  will  send  blood-hounds 
through  the  forests  of  Virginia,  the  Carolinas, 
Georgia,  Kentucky,  and  all  the  South,  chasing 
human  beings  (who  are  seeking  the  inalienable 
rights  of  all  men,  "life,  liberty,  and  the  pursuit  of 
happiness,")  possesses  no  heart ;  and  that  minister 
of  religion  who  will  do  it  is  unworthy  his  trust, 
knows  not  what  the  Gospel  teaches,  and  had  better 
turn  to  the  heathen  for  a  religion  to  guide  him 
nearer  the  right ;  for  the  heathen  in  their  blindness 
have  some  regard  for  the  rights  of  others,  and  sel- 
dom will  they  invade  the  honor  and  virtue  of  their 
neighbors,  or  cause  them  to  be  torn  in  pieces,  by 
infuriated  beasts. 

Mr.  James  L.  Goltney  was  a  Baptist  preacher, 
and  was  employed  by  Mr.  M.  B.  Harrison  to  give 
religious  instruction  to  his  slaves.  He  often  used 
the  common  text:  "Servants,  obey  your  masters. '' 
He  would  try  to  make  it  appear  that  he  knew  what 
the  slaves  were  thinking  of  —  telling  them  they 
thought  they  had  a  right  to  be  free,  but  he  could  j 
tell  them  better  —  referring  them  to  some  passages  of  \ 
Scripture.  C«It  is  the  devil/'  he  would  say,  "who 
tells  you  to  try  and  be  free."  >  And  again  he  bid 
them  be  patient  at  work,  warning  them  that  it  would 


RELIGIOUS  INSTRUCTION. 


201 


be  his  duty  to  whip  them,  if  they  appeared  dissatis- 
fied—  all  which  would  be  pleasing  to  God!  "If 
you  run  away,  you  will  be  turned  out  of  God's 
church,  until  you  repent,  return,  and  ask  God  and 
your  master's  pardon."  In  this  way  he  would  con- 
tinue to  preach  his  slave-holding  gospel. 

This  same  Goltney  used  to  administer  the  Lord's 
Supper  to  the  slaves.  After  such  preaching,  let  no 
one  say  that  the  slaves  have  the  Gospel  of  Jesus 
preached  to  them. 

One  of  the  Baptist  ministers  was  named  B.  Har- 
rison. He  owned  slaves,  and  was  very  cruel  to 
them.  He  came  to  an  untimely  end.  While  he 
was  riding  out  one  afternoon,  the  report  of  a  gun 
was  heard,  and  he  was  found  dead — his  brains 
being  blown  out.  It  could  never  be  found  who 
killed  him,  and  so  he  went  to  judgment,  with  all  his 
sins  on  his  head. 

Mr.  L.  Hanner  was  a  Christian  preacher,  select- 
ing texts  like  the  following :  "  The  Spirit  of  the 
Lord  is  upon  me,  because  he  hath  anointed  me  to 
preach  deliverance  to  the  captives,  he  hath  sent  me 
to  bind  up  the  broken-hearted."  But  Hanner  was 
soon  mobbed  out  of  Prince  George i  County,  and 
had  to  flee  for  his  life,  and  all  for  preaching  a  true 
-.Gospel  to  colored  people. 

I  did  not  know  of  any  other  denomination  where 
I  lived  in  Virginia,  than  the  Baptists  and  Presbyte- 
rians. Most  of  the  colored  people,  and  many  of  the 
poorer  class  of  whites,  were  Baptists. 


202 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


SABBATH  AND  RELIGIOUS  MEETINGS. 

On  the  Sabbath,  after  doing  their  morning  work, 
and  breakfast  over  (such  as  it  was),  that  portion  of 
the  slaves  who  belong  to  the  church  ask  of  the  over- 
seer permission  to  attend  meeting.  If  he  is  in  the 
mood  to  grant  their  request,  he  writes  them  a  pass, 
as  follows  :  — 

"  Permit  the  bearer  to  pass  and  repass  to.  ,  this 

evening,  tinmolested. 

Should  a  pass  not  be  granted,  the  slave  lies  down, 
and  sleeps  for  the  day — the  only  way  to  drown  his 
sorrow  and  disappointment. 

Others  of  the  slaves,  who  do  not  belong  to  the 
church,  spend  their  Sabbath  in  playing  with  marbles, 
and  other  games,  for  each  other's  food,  etc. 

Some  occupy  the  time  in  dancing  to  the  music  of 
a  banjo,  made  out  of  a  large  gourd.  This  is  continued 
till  the  after  part  of  the  day,  when  they  separate, 
and  gather  wood  for  their  log-cabin  fires  the  ensuing 
week. 

'  Not  being  allowed  to  hold  meetings  on  the  planta- 
tion, the  slaves  assemble  in  the  swamps,  out  of 
reach  of  the  patrols.  They  have  an  understanding 
among  themselves  as  to  the  time  and  place  of  get- 
ting together.  This  is  often  done  by  the  first  one 
arriving  breaking  boughs  from  the  trees,  and  bend- 
ing them  in  the  direction  of  the  selected  spot. 
Arrangements  are  then  made  for  conducting  the 
exercises.    They  first  ask  each  other  how  they  feel, 


RELIGIOUS  IXSTRUCTION.  203 


the  state  of  their  minds,  etc.  The  male  members 
then  select  a  certain  space,  in  separate  groups,  for 
their  division  of  the  meeting.  Preaching  in  order, 
by  the  brethren  ;  then  praying  and  singing  all  round, 
until  they  generally  feel  quite  happy.  The  speaker 
usually  commences  by  calling  himself  unworthy,  and 
talks  very  slowly,  until,  feeling  the  spirit,  he  grows 
excited,  and  in  a  short  time,  there  fall  to  the  ground 
twenty  or  thirty  men  and  women  under  its  influence. 
Enlightened  people  call  it  excitement ;  but  I  wish 
the  same  was  felt  by  everybody,  so  far  as  they  are 
sincere. 

The  slave  forgets  all  his  sufferings,  except  to 
remind  others  of  the  trials  during  the  past  week, 
exclaiming :  " Thank  God,  I  shall  not  live  here 
always  ! "  Then  they  pass  from  one  to  another, 
shaking  hands,  and  bidding  each  other  farewell, 
promising,  should  they  meet  no  more  on  earth,  to 
strive  and  meet  in  heaven,  where  all  is  joy,  happi- 
ness and  liberty.  As  they  separate,  they  sing  a 
parting  hymn  of  praise. 

Sometimes  the  slaves  meet  in  an  old  log-cabin,  when 
they  find  it  necessary  to  keep  a  watch.  If  discov- 
ered, they  escape,  if  possible ;  but  those  who  are 
caught  often  get  whipped.  Some  are  willing  to  be 
punished  thus  for  Jesus'  sake.C  Most  of  the  songs 
used  in  worship  are  composed  by  the  slaves  them- 
selves, and  describe  their  own  sufferings.    Thus  : 

"Oh,  that  I  had  a  bosom  friend, 
To  tell  my  6ecrets  to, 


204 


SKETCHES  OF  SLA  VE  LIFE. 


One  always  to  depend  upon 
In  everything  I  do  !  " 

"  How  I  do  wander,  up  and  down  I 
I  seem  a  stranger,  quite  undone; 
None  to  lend  an  ear  to  my  complaint, 
No  one  to  cheer  me,  though  I  faint." 

Some  of  the  slaves  sing  — 

"  No  more  rain,  no  more  snow, 
No  more  cowskin  on  my  back  !  " 

Then  they  change  it  by  singing  — 

"  Glory  be  to  God  that  rules  on  high." 

In  some  places,  if  the  slaves  are  caught  praying 
to  God,  they  are  whipped  more  than  if  they  had 
committed  a  great  crime.  (The  slave-holders  will 
allow  the  slaves  to  dance,  but  do  not  want  them  to 
pray  to  God.  /Sometimes,  when  a  slave,  on  being 
whipped,  calls  upon  God,  he  is  forbidden  to  do  so, 
under  threat  of  having  his  throat  cut,  or  brains 
blown  out.  Oh,  reader!  this  seems  very  hard  — 
that  slaves  cannot  call  on  their  Maker,  when  the 
case  most  needs  it.  Sometimes  the  poor  slave  takes 
courage  to  ask  his  master  to  let  him  pray,  and  is 
driven  away,  with  the  answer,  that  if  discovered 
praying,  his  back  will  pay  the  bill. 


SEVERING  OF  FAMILY  TIES.  205 


CHAPTER  IX. 

SEVERING  OF  FAMILY  TIES. 

T  one  time,  Mr.  George  Harrison  employed 
a  vessel  to  take  some  of  his  slaves  down 
the  river,  as  he  wished  to  sell  them.  The 
vessel  came,  and  anchored  off  his  farm,  as  an  armed 
fleet  would  go  to  make  war  upon  an  enemy's  coun- 
try. While  this  vessel  was  steering  off  the  shore, 
the  very  waves  seemed  to  speak  forth  in  sorrow  and 
mourning  to  the  dreading  slave.  Not  one  word 
of  warning  was  given  them,  until  the  vessel  was 
anchored  to  receive  its  living  freight.  Husbands 
were  thrust  on  board,  leaving  their  wives  behind ; 
wives  were  torn  from  the  arms  which  should  have 
protected  them,  and  hurried  into  that  living  grave; 
children  were  torn  shrieking  from  their  parents, 
never  to  sec  them  more ;  tender  maidens  were 
dragged  from  the  manly  hearts  which  loved  them ; 
the  ardent  lover  was  scoffingly  compelled  to  break 
from  the  entwining  arms  of  his  loved  one,  and  bid 
a  final  adieu  to  all  the  world  held  dear  to  his  heart. 


206  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


Oh,  ye  defenders  of  slavery !  tarry  here,  place  your- 
selves here,  in  the  situation  of  these  miserable 
beings !  Pro-slavery  men  and  women  t  for  one 
moment  only,  in  imagination,  stand  surrounded  by 
yonr  loved  ones,  and  behold  them,  one  by  one,  tern 
from  your  grasp,  or  you  rudely  and  forcibly  carried 
from  them — how,  think  you,  would  you  bear  it? 
Would  you  not  rejoice  it  one  voice,  even,  were 
raised  in  your  behalf  ?  Were  your  wife,  the  partner 
of  your  bosom,  the  mother  of  your  babes,  thus  ruth- 
lessly snatched  from  you,  were  your  beloved  chil- 
dren stolen  before  your  eyes,  would  you  not  think  it 
sufficient  cause  for  a  nation's  wail  ?  Yea,  and  a 
nation's  interference !  What  better  are  you  than 
those  poor  down-trodden  children  of  humanity? 
With  them,  such  scenes  are  constantly  transpiring. 

Mothers  !  while  fondling  your  darling  babes  in 
your  arms,  and  watching,  with  the  eye  of  a  mother's 
affection,  their  little  mental  dawnings,  do  you  ever 
think  of  the  poor  slave  mother,  who,  with  equal 
affection,  looks  upon  her  offspring,  yet,  with  a  heart 
full  of  agony,  prays  God  to  take  it  to  himself,  before 
the  evil  day  comes,  when  it  must  be  goaded  and 
lashed,  and  then  forbidden  every  consolation  of 
affection  ?  Oh,  think  of  her,  pray  for  her,  toil  for 
her? 

Fathers  !  you  who  stand  before  your  fellow-men 
and  uphold  this  hellish  institution,  while  your 
blooming  daughters  are  before  you,  look  at  them, 
and  think!  —  in  your  own  land  are  thousands  of 


SEVERING  OF  FAMILY  TIES. 


207 


daughters,  as  lovely,  as  much  beloved,  as  yours, 
whose  parents  cannot  protect  them,  whose  parents 
cannot  say,  "My  daughter!  beware  of  the  tempter's 
snare!  My  daughter!  fly  to  these  arms  for  protec- 
tion !  My  daughter !  pour  out  your  sorrows  upon 
your  mother's  bosom ;  into  her  listening  ear  tell 
your  tale  of  wrongs ;  she  will  guide,  she  will  com- 
fort you !  "  No,  but  they  must  look  tamely  on  and 
witness  their  degradation ;  they  must  behold  them 
become  the  spoiler's  prey,  and  presume  not  to  utter 
one  word  in  their  behalf.  Why  ?  They  are  slaves  ! 
the  property  of  free-horn  American  citizens ;  and 
why  should  we  infringe  tipon  their  rights?  Ah, 
father!  could  you  see  your  daughter  in  such  a  situa- 
tion and  not  cry  aloud  for  vengeance  ?  And  what 
better  are  you  than  the  poor  slave,  whose  only  sin 
is,  that  his  skin  is,  perhaps,  one  shade  darker  than 
yours  —  perhaps  not  even  that  ? 

Young  man  !  will  you  defend  slavery  ?  Will  you 
cast  your  vote  for  a  slave-holder?  Think  before  you 
speak ;  consider  well  before  you  act.  Could  you 
have  that  fair  young  being  you  one  day  hope  to  call 
your  wife  torn  from  you,  and  publicly  sold  to  the 
service  of  a  debauchee  ?  Would  you  think  it  too 
much  to  call  on  the  laws  of  the  land  for  redress  ? 
Would  you  think  it  asking  too  much  to  call  out  the 
whole  military  force  of  the  country  to  the  rescue? 
Ah,  no !  And  could  you  restrain  yourselves,  and 
behold  the  loved  forms  of  your  aged  parents  reeking 
with  their  own  blood,  drawn  forth  by  one  who  calls 


208  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


himself  their  master?  Indeed,  no  !  no  dungeon  deep 
and  loathsome  enough  for  such  an  one ;  no  gibbet  too 
high  to  swing  him  on,  as  an  example  to  all  his  kind. 
And  what  better  are  your  loved  ones  than  those  mil- 
lions of  colored  suffering  brothers  and  sisters  ?  Ask 
no  more,  "  Why  meddle  with  slavery  ? "  As  you 
would  receive  assistance,  give  it  to  others. 

The  vessel  to  which  I  have  alluded,  anchored  by 
Harrison's  estate,  was  made  ready  to  sail  on  Sun- 
day, that  all  might  witness  her  departure.  Imagina- 
tion cannot  conceive,  nor  language  describe,  those 
parting  scenes.  When  all  were  on  board,  a  dead 
silence  reigned.  No  sound,  except  the  harsh  voice 
of  the  captain,  as  he  gave  his  orders,  and  the  coarse 
jests  of  the  sailors,  was  heard.  Slowly  the  vessel 
crept  along  the  shore,  like  some  guilty  thing,  trying 
to  hide  itself  from  the  light  of  day.  Then  pealed 
forth  upon  the  Sabbath  air  a  cry  of  woe  that  rent  the 
heavens,  and  was  registered  there,  "Good-by,  my 
husband!"  "Farewell,  my  wife!"  "  Good-by, 
children  !  we  must  hope  to  meet  in  heaven  !  "  With 
shouts  like  these,  they  gazed  upon  each  other  as 
long  as  the  vessel  was  in  sight.  Then,  indeed,  all 
was  over.  "Gone,  gone,  forever,"  or  "left  behind," 
"going,  going,  farther  and  farther  from  the  loved 
ones,"  these  were  the  cruel  reflections.  Some 
returned  to  their  deserted  cabins,  not  one  loved  one 
to  meet ;  some  fathers  drew  around  them  their  little 
ones,  bereft  of  a  mother's  love ;  wives  sat  and  wept 
alone ;  children  wandered  about  without  parents, 


SEVERING  OF  FAMILY  TIES. 


209 


or  any  one  to  love  them.  Oh,  men  with  hearts,  how 
can  you  be  unconcerned  and  careless  regarding  this 
curse  of  your  country  ?  Oh,  my  readers,  I  wish  you 
could  enter  into  my  feelings,  or  rather,  that  my  feel- 
ings might  enter  into  your  souls,  on  this  subject! 
God,  in  His  infinite  wisdom,  created  the  Ethiopian 
race  with  skins  of  a  darker  hue  than  the  European. 
He  did  so  with  an  all-wise  purpose ;  but  was  that  pur- 
pose that  they  might  be  subjects  of  every  outrage 
from  their  fellow-men,  from  generation  to  gener- 
ation ?  Oh,  surely  not !  What  crime  can  it  be  to  be 
born  with  a  dark  skin.  Who  is  responsible?  The 
Creator  alone.  But  who  are  responsible  for  the 
crimes  perpetrated  against  them  ?  The  slave-holder 
and  his  supporters  ! 

This  scene  of  separation  upon  the  James  River, 
where  all  the  tenderest  ties  of  the  human  heart  were 
sundered,  was  but  one  among  the  very  many  which 
occur  daily.  Go  with  the  poor  bereaved  ones  the  next 
morning,  as  they  arise  from  their  disturbed  slumbers 
to  commence  the  day  of  toil.  The  sight  of  the  mas- 
ter is  gall  to  their  wounded  spirits ;  they  look  not 
upon  the  overseer  except  with  absolute  horror ;  but 
if  they  falter,  they  must  feel  the  lash.  Even  the  lit- 
tle crouching,  grieving  children,  are  forbidden  to 
weep  for  their  dear  parents.  The  lash,  the  curse, 
are  their  only  consolations,  except  when  they  can 
crawl  by  themselves,  and  pour  out  their  woes 
into  the  sympathizing  ear  of  Jesus,  their  great 
Comforter. 


210  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


My  father  was  living  at  the  time  these  slaves  of 
Harrison  were  sold.  He  was  one  of  his  drivers,  so 
he  was  not  sold  with  them ;  but  he  had  two  brothers 
who  were,  and  with  a  heavy  heart  he  had  to  witness 
their  departure,  without  daring  to  say  his  soul  was 
his  own.  Monday,  he  must  return  to  his  disgrace- 
ful business  of  whipping  his  fellows ;  but  what  could 
he  do  ?  He  must  obey  his  master,  or  suffer  a  worse 
penalty  than  he  could  inflict  upon  others.  Some 
may  say,  while  sitting  comfortably  among  their  dear 
friends,  "  We  would  die  before  we  would  be  guilty 
of  beating,  at  the  command  of  another,  our  own 
kinsmen,  perhaps  our  own  children."  Ah  !  it  is  easy 
to  suppose  and  assert  what  you  would  do,  while  you 
are  safe ;  but  you  are  not  a  slave  !  Your  feelings 
of  generous  affection  may  well  take  deep  root,  shoot 
upward  and  flourish  ;  they  are  never  harrowed  up  by 
the  sight  of  tortures  you  are  unable  to  prevent, 
never  trodden  upon  and  crushed  into  the  dust.  You 
may  boast  of  your  manly  courage  and  your  willing- 
ness to  die ;  it  may  be  the  poor  slave-driver  would 
crave  the  privilege  of  dying  for  his  loved  ones,  but 
would  it  profit  those  left  behind,  so  long  as  the  lash 
and  a  white  overseer  remained  ?  No !  no !  hands 
without  a  heart  might  use  it  —  there  would  be  no 
escape. 

Many  say  the  slave  on  the  southern  plantation 
is  the  happiest  creature  alive.  They  don't  know; 
they  don't  lift  the  cover;  they  don't  see  them  always. 
I  have  seen  many  a  white  man  carry  a  smiling  face 


SEVERING  OF  FAMILY  TIES.  211 


to  the  world,  when  his  heart  was  aching  and  cank- 
ering in  wretchedness ;  I  have  heard  a  merry  laugh 
from  a  maniac,  whose  brain  had  been  crazed  by 
mental  anguish,  but  I  never  supposed  he  was  happy ; 
and  I  have  told  you,  in  another  place,  how  these 
slaves  are  prepared  by  rum  for  company  and 
spectators. 


212         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


CHAPTER  X. 


COLORED  DRIVERS. 


|HE  colored  overseers  are  not  over  the 
slaves  because  they  wish  it,  but  are  so 
placed  against  their  will.  When  they  fir.st 
commence  to  lash  the  backs  of  their  fellows,  they 
are  like  soldiers  when  they  first  go  to  the  battle- 
field ;  they  dread  and  fear  the  contest,  until  they 
hear  the  roaring  of  the  cannon,  and  smell  the  pow- 
der, and  mark  the  whizzing  ball ;  then  they  rush 
into  the  battle,  forgetful  of  all  human  sympathy 
while  in  fight.  So  it  is  with  the  slave-drivers. 
They  hear  the  angry  tones  of  the  slave-holder's 
voice  admonishing  them  that  if  they  refuse  to  whip, 
they  must  take  it  themselves.  After  receiving  the 
instructions  of  their  owners,  they  must  forget  even 
their  own  wives  and  children,  and  do  all  they  can 
for  "Master If  they  do  not  do  this,  they  must 
receive  all  that  would  be  given  the  others.  In  this 
manner,  their  hearts  and  consciences  are  hardened, 


COLORED  DRIVERS. 


213 


and  they  become  educated  to  whipping,  and  lose  all 
human  feeling. 

This  is  the  way  the  slave-holders  take  to  hide 
their  own  wickedness.  They  say  the  colored  driver 
is  more  cruel  thm  the  white  overseer,  and  use  this 
as  an  argument  against  the  poor  colored  man,  to 
show  how  cruelly  they  would  treat  each  other  if 
they  had  the  power.  Pardon  me,  my  readers,  if  I 
say  this  is  an  insult  to  God  ;  since  my  own  experi- 
ence teaches  me  better.  Reader,  when  they  say 
that  colored  drivers  are  worse  than  white,  the  ques- 
tion may  well  be  asked,  Why  is  this  ?  Is  it  the 
fault  of  the  colored  people,  or  is  it  the  fault  of  the 
white  man  ?  Good  sense  answers  to  every  thinking 
mind,  and  says  the  poor  Negro  is  not  the  greatest 
transgressor  here,  but  the  white  men  are  the  tyran- 
nical instigators  of  this  wrong. 

I  have  known  many  instances  where  slaves  were 
put  to  death  by  the  overseers,  without  any  notice 
being  taken  of  it  by  those  who  administer  the  laws. 
Of  course,  as  the  word  of  a  black  man  is  not 
received  against  a  white,  nothing  could  be  effected, 
even  if  the  murderer  were  arrested.  I  will  give  a 
few  cases  that  came  within  my  own  knowledge. 
James  Lewis  was  shot  down  by  an  overseer,  and 
killed.  Dick  Never  was  shot  down  by  Owen  Wood- 
cock, and  killed.  Ham  was  shot  by  Bishop,  and 
killed.  A  woman  was  shot  dead  by  our  overseer 
Hobbs.  Wyatt  Lee  was  shot,  but  not  killed.  Wil- 
liam Painting  was  shot. 


214        SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


These,  my  readers,  are  facts,  which  will  speak  for 
themselves  when  the  great  day  of  reckoning  shall 
come ;  and  those  black-hearted  sinners  will  surely 
be  punished,  for  no  sinners  escape  finally.  If  the 
laws  of  Virginia  and  other  slave-holding  states  allow 
them  to  go  unscathed,  the  eternal  laws  of  justice 
and  right  will  not. 


MENTAL  CAPACITY  OF  THE  SLAVE.  215 


CHAPTER  XI. 

MENTAL  CAPACITY  OF  THE  SLAVE. 

UCH  is  said  about  the  inability  of  the  slaves 
to  learn  anything  but  drudgery  ;  that 
they  are  fit  for  nothing  else ;  that  those 
who  have  ever  shown  any  intellectual  power  are  of 
mixed  blood,  not  the  pure  African.  This  I  deny, 
and  I  will  prove  that  the  African  is  capable  of  the 
highest  culture.  As  a  people,  how  can  they  be 
expected  to  have  enlightened  minds,  when  they  are 
denied  every  privilege  of  learning?  They  never  have 
teachers,  books  are  not  within  their  reach  —  surely, 
they  would  be  wonderful  beings,  if,  amid  all  their 
hardships  and  privations,  they  should  show  them- 
selves scholars  !  Their  ideas  of  God,  heaven  and 
religion,  are  very  simple  and  childlike ;  but  they  are 
the  conceptions  of  their  own  uninstructed  minds. 

The  world  sees,  in  the  person  of  Frederick 
Douglass,  what  the  son  of  Ethiopia  may  become. 
He  had  no  advantages  in  his  youth,  but.  now,  before 
he  is  old,  his  fame  as  an  orator  has  spread  over  this 


216  SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


land,  extended  itself  across  the  Atlantic,  and  carried 
him  to  the  shores  of  the  old  world,  where  his  elo- 
quence, intelligence  and  worth,  gained  for  himself 
and  family  a  name  which  will  adorn  the  pages  of  his- 
tory long  after  his  voice  is  hushed  in  death.  Had 
Douglass  been  educated  in  youth,  there  is  not  a 
statesman  on  this  continent  who  would  have  stood 
above  him. 

Then  there  is  Rev.  Samuel  R.  Ward,  an  unmixed 
African,  who  has  made  great  proficiency  in  learning. 
His  powers  as  a  public  speaker  are  truly  captivating, 
and  so  ably  does  he  write  and  speak,  that  even  his 
enemies  acknowledge  him  to  be  a  man  of  uncommon 
power. 

There  is,  also,  Rev.  Henry  Highland  Garnett,  a 
son  of  the  same  race.  He  is  a  scholar,  a  gentleman 
and  an  orator,  as  all  who  have  seen  and  heard  him 
admit. 

These  men  are  but  few  out  of  many,  and  they 
prove  to  the  world  that  the  negro  is  as  ccpable  of 
high  intellectual  culture  as  his  Saxon  brother. 

It  must  be  acknowledged  by  every  historian,  that 
Ethiopia  was  once  the  most  civilized  nation  upon 
earth,  and  that  the  enlightened  nations  of  the  pres- 
ent day  are  indebted  to  her  for  many  of  the  arts 
of  civilization.  The  people  of  that  country  were 
the  first  to  work  in  brass,  iron  and  other  metals, 
and  were  really  the  first  to  invent  writing,  for  they 
used  hieroglyphics  to  express  words  and  ideas,- 
which  no  other  nation  had  then  done.    Let  it  not  be 


MENTAL  CAPACITY  OF  THE  SLAVE.  217 


said,  then,  that  the  Negro  cannot  be  educated.  Free 
the  slaves,  give  them  equal  opportunities  with  the 
whites,  and  I  warrant  you,  they  will  not  fall  short 
in  comparison. 

I  do  protest  against  this  great  evil  of  slavery 
in  this  civilized  land  of  America,  and  solemnly 
appeal  to  those  having  authority  in  behalf  of  three 
millions  and  a  half  of  my  suffering  brethren  who  are 
held  by  the  galling  yoke  of  bondage,  that  this  great 
evil  may  be  done  away,  before  the  retributions  of  a 
God  of  justice  overtake  this  blackest  of  sins,  and 
scathe  the  sinner  root  and  branch. 

I  appeal  to  the  Christian  Church  to  lift  up  its 
voice,  that  it  may  be  heard  from  shore  to  shore  in 
defence  of  the  oppressed. 

I  appeal  to  the  men  of  America  everywhere  to 
help  this  cause. 

I  appeal  to  the  women  of  America,  that  they 
plead  for  their  suffering  sisters,  toiling  and  weeping 
under  cruel  task-masters  in  the  sunny  South. 

I  appeal  to  little  children,  that  they  remember  in 
their  prayers  those  little  colored  brothers  and  sisters 
who  are  robbed  of  their  parents,  have  no  homes  for 
their  weary  little  frames,  no  affection  to  make  life 
lovely  to  them,  no  one  to  teach  them  and  guide 
them  to  the  Fountain  of  all  Truth. 

I  appeal  to  high  Heaven  to  listen  to  the  heart- 
breaking cries  of  the  captive  Negro,  and  pray  the 
great  Jehovah  to  soften  the  hard  hearts  of  the  many 
Pharoahs,  that  they  may  let  the  people  go  free ! 


218         SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

THE  BLOOD  OF  THE  SLAVE. 

|HE  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from 
the  ground,  and  it  calls  loudly  for  vengeance 
on  his  adversaries. 
The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
rice  swamps. 

The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
cotton  plantations. 

The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
tobacco  farms. 

The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
sugar  fields.  . 

The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
corn  fields. 

The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
whipping-post. 

The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
auction-block. 

The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
gallows. 


THE  BLOOD  OF  THE  SLAVE.  219 


The  blood  of  the  slave  cries  unto  God  from  the 
hunting-dogs  that  run  down  the  poor  fugitive. 

The  blood  of  men,  women  and  babes  cries  unto 
God  from  Texas  to  Maine.  Wherever  the  Fugitive 
Slave  Law  reaches,  the  voice  of  its  victims  is  heard. 

The  mighty  God,  the  great  Jehovah,  speaks  to  the 
consciences  of  men,  and  says,  "  Let  my  people  go 
free  ! "  And  the  slave-holder  answers,  "  Who  is 
Jehovah,  that  I  should  obey  him  ?"  Then  the  Anti- 
Slavery  voice  is  heard,  calling,  " Awake!  Awake! 
and  cry  aloud  against  this  great  evil ;  lift  up  your 
voice  like  a  trumpet,  and  show  the  people  their  sins, 
and  the  nation  its  guilt.  Pray  that  God  may  have 
mercy  upon  us.  Oh,  forgive  us  this  great  evil  — 
the  evil  of  selling,  whipping,  and  killing  men, 
women  and  children!  Oh,  God  of  justice!  give  us 
hearts  and  consciences  to  feel  the  deep  sorrow  of 
this  great  evil  that  we  have  so  long  indulged 
in!  Lo!  we  have  sinned  against  Heaven;  we  have 
sinned  against  light  —  against  the  civilized  world. 
We  have  sinned  against  that  declaration  which  our 
fathers  put  forth  to  the  world,  1  All  men  were  cre- 
ated equal'  Oh,  God !  forgive  us  this  great  sin ! 
Oh,  let  this  prayer  be  heard  ! " 

"WHERE  IS  THY  BROTHER?" 

BY  MRS.  E.  L.  FOLLEN. 

"  What  mean  ye,  that  ye  bruise  and  bind 

My  people  ?  "  eaith  the  Lord  ; 
"  And  starve  your  craving  brother's  mind, 

Who  asks  to  hear  my  word  ? 


220 


SKETCHES  OF  SLAVE  LIFE. 


"  What  mean  ye,  that  ye  make  them  toil 
Through  long  and  hopeless  years; 
And  shed,  like  rain,  upon  your  soil, 
Their  blood  and  bitter  tears  ? 

"  What  mean  ye,  that  ye  dare  to  rend 
The  tender  mother's  heart? 
Brother  from  sister,  friend  from  friend, 
How  dare  ye  bid  them  part  ? 

"  What  mean  ye,  when  God's  bounteous  ham 
To  you  so  much  has  given, 
That  from  the  slave  that  tills  your  land, 
Ye  keep  both  earth  and  heaven?" 

When,  at  the  Judgment,  God  shall  call, 
"  Where  is  thy  brother  ? "  —  say  ! 

What  mean  ye  to  the  Judge  of  all 
To  answer,  on  that  day  ? 


\ 


D00393256S 


DUKE  UNIVERSITY 
LIBRARY 


DURHAM,  NORTH  CAROLINA 
27706 


